RAMALLAH, THE WEST BANK, THURSDAY, 8.30 AM
Khalil al-Shafi knew that, in reality, this was only half a meeting. He had the head of the presidential guard, along with the heads of three other security forces here. But the leaders of the military wing of Hamas were not here, nor of the Gaza police force. If this was a unity government, he had joked with his wife that morning, then he would hate to see a disunity government.
In jail he had planned and strategized for this moment over many years. He had anticipated every Israeli move and prepared a series of possible countermoves. To each of those, he had predicted a range of Israeli reactions, calculating in advance the appropriate Palestinian response to each. If you opened up his head, he thought, you would see a flow chart more complex than the circuit board for the space shuttle.
But he had not factored in sufficiently the durability of Palestinian divisions. He had assumed that by the time serious talks came around there would be a single Palestinian leadership. Indeed, he had taken for granted that his own release would only have come about if the Palestinians had formed a united front. They had cobbled together a coalition, but that was not the same thing.
He had made another error during those long stretches inside Ketziot jail, confined to a cell measuring six feet by four and a half feet for twenty three hours a day. He had always anticipated that the final straight of negotiations would be punctuated by outbreaks of violence on both sides. There would always be hardliners who would move to sabotage progress and atrocity would be their obvious tool. It had happened in every peace process the world over. Al-Shafi knew: he had studied them in footnote detail.
What he had not prepared for was this, attacks which no one claimed and no one could explain. He turned to Faisal Amiry, head of the security operation that was the closest the Palestinians came to an intelligence agency.
‘How is it possible that this attack was staged from Jenin? It’s far, no?’
‘It is far, sir. But if a team were able to get over the wall—’
‘We would know about it. Wouldn’t we?’
‘There may be others who knew.’ It was Toubi, a veteran of the old PLO struggles going back decades. He hated Hamas with a passion.
‘The trouble is, it doesn’t seem like them,’ Amiry replied. ‘It’s not their style. A raid, in then out.’
‘With no martyrs,’ said Toubi. ‘I agree it’s strange. If they wanted to blow up the talks they’d have blown up themselves. On a bus. In the centre of Jerusalem.’
‘Rogue elements?’ asked al-Shafi.
‘That would be something, wouldn’t it, if our friends in Hamas were losing their legendary discipline?’ It was Toubi, with too much of a smile on his face for Khalil’s taste.
‘I don’t think so,’ said Amiry. ‘So far they have stayed remarkably united. The political bureau in Damascus has decided that these talks should work. That we should get an agreement, then call the Israelis’ bluff and demand they honour it. That’s the strategic decision they’ve taken.’
‘And without Damascus, there’s nothing any of the rogue elements can do?’
‘Correct, Mr al-Shafi. They just don’t have the equipment, the training, the money. Nothing.’
‘Jihad?’
‘We wondered about Islamic Jihad. But we have a very good source inside there. He says they are as surprised by this as we are.’
‘What about the target?’
‘That is the strangest thing of all. If you were aiming for loss of life, you’d have turned right out of the kibbutz fields, aiming for the residential buildings. But they were at the museum. Where they only took one life.’
Toubi was nodding. ‘Or not gone there at all. Once they got over the wall, they could have struck Magen Shaul. Why hike all the way to Bet Alpha?’
‘I know why.’ It was al-Shafi, who had got out from behind his desk and was now attending to a chessboard he kept in the corner of his office. A leftover from prison, the chess. He would play entire games in his head, taking both sides, sometimes lasting days. During the spells of solitary confinement, it kept him sane. Now he always had a game on the go.
‘Bet Alpha is the site of an ancient synagogue. Fifteen hundred years old. The Zionists love it because it “proves” they’ve been here as long as we have. If it’s gone, that’s one bit less proof.’
‘You’re not serious.’
‘Why not? What else do you think the Jerusalem team at Government House is talking about all day?’ He had still not looked up, his eyes remaining fixed on the white bishop he held between his fingers, hovering over the black rook. ‘It’s all about this.’ He captured the castle, replaced it with his bishop and moved back to his desk.
‘I don’t follow.’
‘It’s all about the past. All about who was here first, who has the prior claim. Do you know what drove the Israelis completely apeshit during Camp David in 2000?’
Toubi shifted in his seat. He resented being lectured to by this younger man.
‘Of all the things, there was one statement by President Arafat that drove the Israelis insane. He denied that there had ever been a temple for the Jews in Jerusalem. “How can this be the Temple Mount?” he said. “Why do you call it the Temple Mount? There was no Temple here. It was in Nablus!”’
‘What’s that got to do with Bet Alpha?’
‘It’s the same thing. An attempt, while we’re thrashing out who gets what, to weaken the other side’s claim. To tilt the scales in our favour. “Look, there’s now one less ancient Jewish site here. Maybe it never existed!”’
‘This is nuts.’
‘It is nuts. But I think some Palestinian took it into his head to do us a favour. To lend us a helping hand.’
‘I don’t believe it.’
‘Do you have a better explanation?’
There was silence, broken eventually by Amiry. ‘And there’s the trader. This man Aweida, stabbed to death in Jerusalem.’
‘What can you tell me?’
‘Not very much. Apparently there was some Hebrew message pinned to the body. A page of the Torah. And Army Radio in Israel is reporting a claim of responsibility from a group nobody’s ever heard of. The Defenders of United Jerusalem.’
‘Settlers?’
‘Maybe.’
Al-Shafi rubbed his chin, scratching at his stubble. ‘In which case, Yariv is sweating right now.’
Toubi chipped in. ‘They always thought the Machteret would resurface eventually.’ Machteret, the Jewish underground. Like al-Shafi, he had learned his Hebrew in an Israeli jail.
‘If it has, they’ll be killing us. But it’s him they want to hurt.’
‘What would you like us to do, Mr al-Shafi?’ It was Amiry, who had risen through a movement of ideologues by remaining determinedly practical.
‘I want you to find out whatever you can about the incident in Bet Alpha. Comb the Israeli papers: read the military correspondents. Anything the army finds out, they always leak. And see what people here know about Afif Aweida. He has cousins in Bethlehem, I’m told. Talk to them. Was this man picked out at random, or is there a reason why a few Israeli fanatics would kill a greengrocer?’
‘Anything else?’
‘Yes. I want to know what that American woman, Costello, is up to. She called me with more questions about Ahmed Nour. There are at least three mysterious murders here, my friends. Unless we understand what’s going on, there will be more. And a lot of Palestinians will be dead–along with the best chance of independence any of us will ever see. I think you know what to do.’