7
WRECKERS OF CIVILIZATION
One night in the late fall of 1989, as
Drewe sat at home with his KGB paperbacks and Mossad memoirs, he
got a call from one of the auction houses. He had recently gone to
the auctioneer with one of Myatt’s Le Corbusier works, a collage
pieced together from bits of newspaper from the 1950s. Drewe said
it had come from his family’s collection, but the auctioneer had
bad news for him: The provenance was insufficient, and the piece
had been turned down.
“Are you related to Jane Drew?” the auctioneer
asked in passing.
A renowned British architect with close ties to the
Swiss-born architect and artist Le Corbusier, Jane Drew had helped
design the original premises of London’s Institute of Contemporary
Arts, which was founded in the late 1940s as a cutting-edge art
gallery and cultural center. Drewe knew about her design work for
the modernist Indian city of Chandigarh and her influence on the
Modern Movement, a group of avant-garde architects and painters of
the 1940s.
The professor was not one to let an opportunity
slip by. He told the auctioneer that Jane Drew was indeed a distant
relative. Drewe carried on the conversation long enough to learn
that the legendary woman was still alive, living just a few hours
away, in the northeast.
Perhaps, Drewe thought, it was time to pay her a
visit.
Drewe and Myatt drove north in the blue Bristol for
three hours, until they reached the tiny two-pub village of Durham.
Drewe had called beforehand and introduced himself as a patron of
the arts who was writing a book on the history of the ICA. Jane
Drew had immediately invited him up.
As soon as they walked into the house, Myatt was in
awe, for he considered the seventy-eight-year-old woman a living,
breathing part of Britain’s culture. Before long they were chatting
about her work with “Corbu,” her role in the Modern Movement, and
her friendships with Frank Lloyd Wright and Buckminster Fuller, who
had invented the geodesic dome and coined the phrase “Spaceship
Earth.” At Drewe’s prompting, she reminisced about her involvement
in the postwar celebration dubbed the Festival of Britain and her
work as a pioneer in tropical architecture and public
housing.
She spoke with affection about some of the artists
she had met through the ICA, particularly Ben Nicholson, a jaunty
character who wore a beret and talked in a high-pitched voice. She
remembered his uncanny penchant for design and his beautifully
composed vegetarian dishes, with a red radish placed slightly off
center, a fistful of asparagus laid out in a curve on the edge of
the plate.
Drewe was in top form, and Myatt noted his effect
on the aging woman. When the professor suggested that it was high
time she wrote her autobiography, she seemed flattered. Then he
offered to finance the project himself. He was certain her memoirs
would reach a wide audience.
Within weeks of the meeting, Jane Drew had prepared
a detailed outline of her life, and when Drewe returned north to
pick it up, she asked him for a favor. Would he use his contacts in
London to act as her representative in the sale of a small Eduardo
Paolozzi sculpture she owned? Drewe had seen the piece and knew a
dealer who might be interested. He said he would be delighted to
handle the sale.
After several more visits to Jane Drew’s country
home, Drewe began systematically widening his circle of art world
acquaintances by dropping her name and inviting members of the
establishment to lunch with them. He reserved tables at Claridge’s
or at L’Escargot in Soho for such eminent Londoners as the former
head of the Tate Gallery, Alan Bowness—Ben Nicholson’s
son-in-law—and the art critic David Sylvester, who had once had his
portrait painted by Giacometti.
Through Jane Drew he also met Dorothy Morland, the
former director of the ICA. Until a few years earlier, he learned,
the bulk of the ICA’s archives had been stored in Morland’s garage
for safekeeping. She had eventually returned them, and they were
now in box files in a small room on the ground floor. The cache
consisted of forty-five years’ worth of memorabilia and personal
papers, stacks of letters, sketches, and programs in no particular
order, with huge chronological gaps. There were letters from
Picasso, the art critic Herbert Read, and the surrealist painter
and poet Roland Penrose, along with dozens of catalog and texts of
forgotten lectures by W. H. Auden and Buckminster Fuller. By and
large the archives had been ignored for decades. Dorothy Morland
felt that she had saved them from destruction. She told Drewe that
Bill McAlister, the current ICA director, wanted very much to put
the material in order but that the institute was always short on
funds.
She suggested that Drewe give the director a
call.
Bill McAlister was a busy man. Normally his
secretary screened his calls thoroughly, but this one was from a
gentleman who was so persistent and seemed to know so many of the
institute’s longtime supporters that McAlister took it.
Dr. Drewe got straight to the point. He said he was
a scientist and a businessman, and that in his capacity as chairman
of Norseland Industries, which had a large collection of modern
art, he was considering a substantial donation to the ICA. He spoke
knowledgeably about the institute’s inner workings and his wish to
help overhaul its legendary archives.
McAlister immediately agreed to meet him for
lunch.
The business of donor fishing was at best
frustrating for McAlister, like rowing upriver for a week and
coming back with minnows. On the rare occasion when he managed to
land a contributor, one or another of his department heads would be
at the door, cap in hand, with plans for a new play by a Nordic
iconoclast, a seminar on chastity in Pop, or a Bavarian film
festival. There was never enough money to go around, certainly
never enough for what McAlister hoped would be his final project:
refurbishing the archives, which had never been properly cared for.
Over the years former senior staffers had felt it necessary to
remove archival material in the belief that it needed protection or
was part of their own private papers. One had even removed a
visitors’ book containing sketches and signatures by Picasso and
Hockney. This valuable volume later found its way to the British
Museum’s library.
McAlister was aware of other such potential
improprieties—nothing that verged on the criminal, but there was
simply no excuse for the lack of a system to identify and maintain
the archives. Thus, he was especially pleased to find someone who
shared his concern. “I felt very lonely in that regard,” he
recalled.
He and Drewe met at a fashionable Soho restaurant.
Drewe was punctual and impeccably dressed. McAlister was a gourmet
and mushroom hunter, and they both took their time with the menu
and the wine list. Right away, McAlister felt that they had much in
common. Drewe was a man of the Left, a former official with the
Atomic Energy Authority who had quit after Margaret Thatcher began
to privatize government programs. He accused her of wreaking
devastation on the arts and sciences with her denationalization
campaigns.
McAlister was no Thatcherite either, and complained
to Drewe that while bastions of the art establishment such as the
Tate and the Victoria and Albert Museum still enjoyed government
beneficence, the ICA got chicken feed.
Cultural historians well understood official
Britain’s arm’s-length relationship to the ICA. Ever since its
founding in a small L-shaped room on Dover Street in 1947, it had
been a constant irritant to the arbiters of art. When cofounder
Herbert Read called for public funding, the prickly George Bernard
Shaw declared that such funds “would be better spent on hygiene,
since hygiene [and] not the arts was responsible for the
improvement in the nation’s health over the preceding hundred
years.”9 But the ICA’s early members, who
included Henry Moore, T. S. Eliot, W. H. Auden, Peggy Guggenheim,
and Dylan Thomas, believed that the institute stood as a beacon to
those who wanted to create and debate new art forms. The ICA
organized poetry readings and “conversation nights” with Le
Corbusier and “Bucky” Fuller, and opened a bar where patrons could
buy a snack and a drink and discourse until dawn on the new postwar
aesthetics.
“It felt like a railway stop,” Dorothy Morland told
an ICA historian. 10 “People passed one another without
realizing that some would one day be famous and some would change
the face of art beyond all recognition. But as with every station,
everyone was in a hurry.”
Over the years the ICA became a relatively safe
haven for avant-garde artists from all over the world. In 1959,
during a “Cyclo-Matic” demonstration of the mechanical nature of
art, the Swiss Dadaist Jean Tinguely set up a machine operated by
cyclists that dumped fifty pounds of drawings on paper onto the
street. In the sixties, during an era of sit-ins and protests and
the first stirrings of conceptual art, a young Australian artist
taking part in a Destruction in Art symposium stood by the roadside
waving an animal corpse and spattering the pavement with
blood.
That same decade, the ICA moved to one of the more
incongruous locations it could have found anywhere in Britain: a
Georgian mansion on the Mall, a few hundred yards from Buckingham
Palace. There, it held symposiums on horror comics, television
culture, and rubber fashion, during which someone set off a fire
alarm, and when the fire brigade arrived in their bright yellow
plastic macs they became a ready-made instant hit.
In the late 1970s, the ICA held a string of “shock
shows.” The “Prostitution” show had transvestite guards posted at
the door and featured strippers and snake-oil wrestlers. During a
subsequent show, in a paean to motherhood, an artist hung tampons
and soiled diapers in the gallery.
Predictably, the drumbeat of criticism against the
ICA was relentless. The Daily Telegraph fumed that its shows
were “publicly-funded porn.” The “Prostitution” show in particular
was “an excuse for exhibitionism by every crank, queer, squint and
ass in the business.” The Daily Mirror blasted the ICA as
the home of “extremist art,” and one member of Parliament denounced
the show’s founders as “wreckers of civilization.”11
The ICA’s government subsidies were supplemented by
various foundations and philanthropists, but by the late 1970s many
of them had ceased to be amused. The mansion on the mall was
expensive to maintain and the ICA was in constant financial crisis.
The building was an eyesore, often dirty and in dire need of
repair. One member quit after complaining that he kept “tripping
over hippies in the corridor,” according to ICA historian Lyn Cole.
In 1977, Bill McAlister was hired to bring order to the chaos. He
spruced the space up, installed a decent bar in the mezzanine,
improved the food, and introduced a cheaper membership fee that
attracted younger crowds. Over time he reaffirmed the ICA’s
trendiness and reached out to new artists. As one reporter for the
Guardian noted, patrons could now “read Baudrillard in the
bookshop, munch a healthy lentil-carrot cake in the restaurant, and
guzzle a Grolsch in the bar” before the show.
During McAlister’s dozen years at the helm, the ICA
had seen a sharp increase in ticket sales and membership, but
funding remained a constant headache, and his tenure was coming to
an end. Before his departure, he wanted to get the archives in good
shape, but in case he couldn’t find the money to do it, he opened
negotiations with the Tate, which was interested in acquiring the
ICA records. However, he felt the Tate was overly fussy in
restricting access to its archives to scholars and serious
researchers, and it was only interested in the visual arts, not the
ICA’s records on film, performance, and literature. He thought the
ICA’s complete history should be open to students and youngsters as
well as to academics. The negotiations had dragged on painfully and
had eventually broken down over the issue of access.
Now McAlister found himself sitting across the
table from a wealthy scientist with a strong interest in the arts,
someone who wasn’t part of the intellectual mafia and who
recognized the ICA’s worth. Dr. Drewe also seemed to have a
solution to the archives problem. He told McAlister that he had a
team of university researchers, led by his colleague Terrence
Carroll at the University of Westminster, who could update the
archives and make them universally accessible by using computer
technology and digital photography to collate, cross-reference, and
store them. The system would change the way art historians
worked.
Drewe spoke of heading up an ICA foundation of
like-minded wealthy individuals who would promote the institute
through a series of gala dinners and celebrity auctions. He
mentioned the names of Jane Drew, Dorothy Morland, and Anne Massey,
a young researcher who had worked on a history of the ICA.
McAlister was delighted. Drewe reminded him of
another left-wing scientist with a penchant for the arts. The
molecular physicist J. D. Bernal, a peace activist during the cold
war era, had insisted that his fellow scientists were duty-bound to
use their knowledge to benefit humanity. Bernal kept an apartment
above his lab, where he entertained intellectuals and artists,
including Picasso, who during one party in 1950 painted a large
mural of a man and woman with wings and wearing laurel wreaths on
their heads. When Bernal’s apartment was set to be demolished in
1969, the mural was chiseled out of the wall and given to the ICA.
It had been gathering dust for two decades, and one of McAlister’s
first tasks at the ICA had been to restore it and install it in the
new foyer.
History was about to repeat itself, McAlister
thought. Drewe was a latter-day Bernal.
At their next lunch meeting McAlister told Drewe
that before he left the ICA he was organizing a benefit auction for
the institute. Would Drewe’s company consider donating a work of
art, the proceeds of which would be set aside to refurbish the ICA
archives? Drewe immediately offered two pieces, and several days
later he brought McAlister a Le Corbusier collage and a simple and
transcendent Giacometti drawing. McAlister was charmed by the
collage and joked that he would love to have one for himself.
“I can get you another one, a very similar one,”
Drewe said.
The comment puzzled McAlister, but he let it
pass.
A month later the ICA auction at Sotheby’s was a
big success, raising about £1 million for the institute. Drewe’s
contributions brought in nearly £50,000. When McAlister called to
thank him, Drewe brought up the archives project. He said he wanted
to familiarize himself with the scope and condition of the archives
to prepare for a meeting with his computer software engineer,
Terrence Carroll.
The archives had been moved to a small, seldom-used
room with a separate entrance. McAlister asked his secretary to
find the keys and have them ready for Professor Drewe.
“He’s free to come and go as he pleases,” McAlister
told her. “Make him feel at home.”