3.
Evade the Question Time
Perfidious Danes “Historically Our Enemy,”
Claims Insane Historian
“Quite frankly, I was yim-pim-pim appalled,” said
England’s leading mad history scholar yesterday. “The
eighth-century Danish attack on our flibble-flobble sceptered isle
is a story of invasion, subjugation, plunder and exploitation that
would remain bleep-bleep-baaaaa unequaled until we tried it
ourselves many years later.” The confused and barely coherent
historian’s work has been authenticated by another equally
feeble-minded academic who told us yesterday, “The Danish invasion
began in 786 when the Danes set up a kingdom in East Anglia. They
didn’t even use their own names either. They preferred to do their
brutal work cowardly hiding beneath the pseudonyms of Angles, Bruts
and Flynns.” Further research has shown that the Danes stayed for
over four hundred years and were driven home only by the crusading
help of our new close friends the French.
Article in The New Oppressor,
the official mouthpiece of the Whig Party
the official mouthpiece of the Whig Party
How did Kaine rise so quickly to power?” I
asked incredulouslyas Joffy and I queued patiently outside
Swindon’s ToadNewsNetwork studios that evening. “When I was here
last, Kaine and the Whig Party were all but washed up after the
Cardenio debacle.”
Joffy looked grim and nodded towards a large crowd
of uniformed Kaine followers who were waiting in silence for their
glorious leader.
“Things haven’t been good back here, Thurs. Kaine
regained his seat after Samuel Pring was assassinated. The Whigs
formed an alliance with the Liberals and elected Kaine as their
leader. He has some sort of magnetism, and the numbers that attend
his rallies increase all the time. His ‘British unification’ stance
has had much support—mostly with stupid people who can’t be
bothered to think for themselves.”
“War with Wales?”
“He hasn’t said as such, but a leopard doesn’t
change its spots. He won by a landslide after the previous
government collapsed over the ‘cash for llamas’ scandal. As soon as
he was in power he proclaimed himself chancellor. His Unreform Act
last year restricted the vote to people with property.”
“How did he get parliament to agree to
that?” I muttered, aghast at the thought of it.
“We’re not sure,” said Joffy sadly. “Sometimes
parliament does the funniest things. But he’s not happy just being
chancellor. He’s arguing that committees and accountants only slow
things down, and if people really want trains to run on time
and shopping trolleys to run straight, it could be done only by one
man wielding unquestionable executive power—a dictator.”
“So what’s stopping him?”
“The President,” replied Joffy quietly. “Formby has
told Kaine that if Kaine pushes for a dictatorial election, he will
stand against him, and Yorrick knows full well that Formby would
win—he’s as popular now as he ever was.”
I thought for a moment. “How old is President
Formby?”
“That’s the problem. He was eighty-four last
May.”
We fell silent for a moment and shuffled with the
queue up to the stage door, had our identities checked by two ugly
men from SO-6 and were then ushered in. We took our seats at the
back and waited patiently for the show to begin. It seemed hard to
believe that Kaine had managed to inveigle his way to the top of
English politics, but, I reflected, anything can happen to a
fictional character—a trait that Yorrick had obviously exploited to
the full.
“See that nasty-looking man on the edge of the
stage?” asked Joffy.
“Yes,” I replied, following Joffy’s finger to a
stocky man with short hair and no visible neck.
“Colonel Fawsten Gayle, Kaine’s head of security.
Not a man to trifle with. It’s rumored he was expelled from school
for nailing his head to a park bench on a bet.”
Standing next to Gayle was a cadaverous man with
pinched features and small round spectacles. He was holding a
battered red briefcase and was dressed in a rumpled sports jacket
and corduroy trousers.
“Who’s that?”
“Ernst Stricknene. Kaine’s personal adviser.”
I stared at them both for a while and noticed that,
despite being barely two feet from each other, they didn’t exchange
a single word or look. Things in the Kaine camp were far from
settled. If I could get close, I’d just grab Yorrick and jump him
straight to one of Jurisfiction’s many prison books, and that would
be that. It looked as though I had got back home just in
time.
I consulted the complimentary copy of The New
Oppressor I had found on my seat.
“Why is Kaine blaming the nation’s woes on the
Danish?” I asked.
“Because economically we’re in a serious mess after
losing to Russia in the Crimean War. They didn’t just get Tunbridge
Wells as war reparations but a huge chunk of cash, too. The country
is near bankruptcy, Kaine wants to stay in power, so—”
“Misdirection.”
“Bingo. He blames someone else.”
“But the Danish?”
“Shows how desperate he is, doesn’t it? As a nation
we’ve been blaming the Welsh and the French for far too long and
with the Russians out of the frame he’s come up with Denmark as
public enemy number one. He’s using the Viking raids of 800 A.D.
and the Danish rule of England in the eleventh century as an excuse
to whip up some misinformed xenophobia.”
“Ludicrous!”
“Agreed. The papers have been full of anti-Danish
propaganda this past month. All Bang & Olufsen entertainment
systems have been withdrawn due to ‘safety’ concerns, and Lego has
been banned pending ‘choking hazard’ investigations. The list of
outlawed Danish writers is becoming longer by the second.
Kierkegaard’s works have already been declared illegal under the
Undesirable Danish Literature Act and will be burnt. Hans Christian
Andersen will be next, we’re told—and after that maybe even Karen
Blixen.”
“They can pull my copy of Out of Africa from
my cold, dead fingers.”
“Mine, too. You’d better make sure Hamlet doesn’t
tell anyone where he’s from. Shhh. I think something’s
happening.”
Something was happening. The floor manager
had walked out onto the set and was explaining to us exactly what
we should do. After a protracted series of technical checks, the
host of the show walked on, to applause from the audience. This was
Tudor Webastow of The Owl, who had made a career out of
being just inquisitive enough to be considered a realistic
political foil for the press but not so inquisitive that he
would be found in the Thames wearing concrete overshoes.
He sat down at the center of a table with two empty
chairs either side of him and sorted his notes. Unusually for
Evade the Question Time, the show had two speakers instead
of four, but tonight was special: Yorrick Kaine would be facing his
political opposition, Mr. Redmond van de Poste, of the Commonsense
Party. Mr. Webastow cleared his throat and began.
“Good evening and welcome to Evade the Question
Time, the nation’s premier topical talk show. Tonight, as every
night, a panel of distinguished public figures generally evade
answering the audience’s questions and instead toe the party
line.”
There was applause at this, and Webastow continued:
“The show tonight comes from Swindon in Wessex. Sometimes called
the third capital of England or ‘ Venice on the M4,’ the Swindon of
today is a financial and manufacturing powerhouse, its citizens a
cross-section of professionals and artists who are politically
indicative of the country as a whole. I’d also like to mention at
this point that Evade the Question Time is brought to you by
Neat-Fit® Exhaust Systems, the tailpipe of
choice.”
He paused for a moment and shuffled his
papers.
“We are honored to have with us tonight two very
different speakers from opposite ends of the political spectrum.
First I would like to introduce a man who was politically dead two
years ago but has managed to pull himself up to the second-highest
political office in the nation, with a devoted following of many
millions, not all of whom are deranged. Ladies and gentlemen,
Chancellor Yorrick Kaine!”
There was mixed applause when he walked onto the
stage, and he grinned and nodded for the benefit of the crowd. I
leaned forward in my seat. He didn’t appear to have aged at all in
the two years since I had last seen him, which is what I would
expect from a fictioneer. Still looking in his late twenties, with
black hair swept neatly to the side, he might have been a male
model from a knitting pattern. I knew he wasn’t. I’d checked.
“Thank you very much,” said Kaine, sitting at the
table and clasping his hands in front of him. “May I say that I
always regard Swindon as a home away from home.”
There was a brief twitter of delight from the front
of the audience, mostly little old ladies who looked upon him as
the son they never had.
Mr. Webastow went on, “And opposing him we are also
honored to welcome Mr. Redmond van de Poste of the opposition
Commonsense Party.”
There was notably less applause as van de Poste
walked in. He was older than Kaine by almost thirty years, looked
tired and gaunt, wore round horn-rimmed spectacles and had a
high-domed forehead that shone when it caught the light. He looked
about furtively before sitting down stiffly. I guessed the reason.
He was wearing a heavy flak vest beneath his suit—and with good
reason. The last three Commonsense leaders had all met with
mysterious deaths. The previous incumbent had been Mrs. Fay
Bentoss, who had died after being hit by a car. Not so unusual, you
might think—except she had been in her front room when it
happened.
“Thank you, gentlemen, and welcome. The first
question comes from Miss Pupkin.”
A small woman stood up and said shyly, “Hello. A
Terrible Thing was done by Somebody this week, and I’d like to ask
the panel if they condemn this.”
“A very good question,” replied Webastow. “Mr.
Kaine, perhaps you’d like to start the ball rolling?”
“Thank you, Tudor. Yes, I condemn utterly and
completely the Terrible Thing in the strongest possible terms. We
in the Whig Party are appalled by the way in which Terrible Things
are done in this great nation of ours, with no retribution against
the Somebody who did them. I would also like to point out that the
current spate of Terrible Things being undertaken in our towns and
cities is a burden we inherited from the Commonsense Party, and I
am at pains to point out that in real terms the occurrence of
Terrible Things has dropped by over twenty-eight percent since we
took office.”
There was applause at this, and Webastow then asked
Mr. van de Poste for his comments.
“Well,” said Redmond with a sigh, “quite clearly my
learned friend has got his facts mixed up. According to the way
we massage the figures, Terrible Things are actually on the
increase. But I’d like to stop playing party politics for a moment
and state for the record that although this is of course a great
personal tragedy for those involved, condemning out of hand these
acts does not allow us to understand why they occur, and more needs
to be done to get to the root cause of—”
“Yet again,” interrupted Kaine, “yet again we see
the Commonsense Party shying away from its responsibilities and
failing to act toughly on unspecified difficulties. I hope all the
unnamed people who have suffered unclearly defined problems will
understand—”
“I did say we condemned the Terrible Thing,”
put in van de Poste. “And I might add that we have been conducting
a study into the entire range of Terrible Things, all the way from
Just Annoying to Outrageously Awful, and will act on these
findings—if we gain power.”
“Trust the Commonsensers to do things by half
measures!” scoffed Kaine, who obviously enjoyed these sorts of
discussions. “By going only so far as ‘Outrageously Awful,’ Mr. van
de Poste is selling his own nation short. We at the Whig Party have
been looking at the Terrible Things problem and propose a
zero-tolerance attitude to offenses as low as Mildly Inappropriate.
Only in this way can the Somebodies who commit Terrible Things be
stopped before they move on to acts that are Obscenely
Perverse.”
There was a smattering of applause again,
presumably as the audience tried to figure out whether “Just
Annoying” was worse than “Mildly Inappropriate.”
“Succinctly put,” announced Webastow. “At the end
of the first round, I will award three points to Mr. Kaine for an
excellent nonspecific condemnation, plus one bonus point for
blaming the previous government and another for successfully
mutating the question to promote the party line. Mr. van de Poste
gets a point for a firm rebuttal, but only two points for his
condemnation, as he tried to inject an impartial and intelligent
observation. So at the end of the first round, it’s Kaine leading
with five points and van de Poste with three.”
There was more applause as the numbers came up on
the scoreboard.
“On to the next stage of the show, which we call
the ‘not answering the question’ round. We have a question from
Miss Ives.”
A middle-aged woman put up her hand and asked,
“Does the panel think that sugar should be added to rhubarb pie or
the sweetness deficit made up by an additive, such as
custard?”
“Thank you, Miss Ives. Mr. van de Poste, would you
care to not answer this question first?”
“Well,” said Redmond, eyeing the audience for any
possible assassins, “this question goes straight to the heart of
government, and I’d like to first point out that the Commonsense
Party, when we were in power, tried more ways of doing things than
any other party in living memory, and in consequence came closer to
doing the right way of doing something, even if we didn’t know it
at the time.”
There was applause, and Joffy and I exchanged
looks.
“Does it get any better?” I whispered.
“Wait until they get on to Denmark.”
“I utterly refute,” began Kaine, “the implication
that we aren’t doing things the right way. To demonstrate this I’d
like to wander completely off the point and talk about the Health
Service overhaul that we will launch next year. We want to replace
the outdated ‘preventive’ style of health care this country has
relentlessly pursued with a ‘wait until it gets really bad’ system,
which will target those most in need of medical treatment—the sick.
Yearly health screenings for all citizens will end and be replaced
by a ‘tertiary’ diagnostic regime that will save money and
resources.”
Again there was applause.
“Okay,” announced Webastow, “I’m going to give van
de Poste three points for successfully not answering that question
at all, but five points to Kaine, who not only ignored the question
but instead used it as a platform for his own political agenda. So
with six rounds still to go, we have Kaine with ten points and van
de Poste with six. Next question, please.”
A young man with dyed red hair sitting in our row
put his hand up. “I would like to suggest that the Danish are
not our enemy, and this is nothing more than a cynical move
by the Whigs to blame someone else for our own economic
troubles.”
“Ah!” said Webastow. “The controversial Danish
question. I’m going to let Mr. van de Poste avoid this question
first.”
Van de Poste looked unwell all of a sudden and
glanced nervously towards where Stricknene and Gayle were glaring
at him.
“I think,” he began slowly, “that if the Danish are
as Mr. Kaine describes, I will offer my support to his
policies.”
He dabbed his forehead with a handkerchief as Kaine
began: “When I came to power, England was a nation in the grip of
economic decline and social ills. No one realized it at the time,
and I took it upon myself to demonstrate by any means in my power
the depths to which this great nation had fallen. With the support
of my followers, I have managed to demonstrate reasonably clearly
that things aren’t as good as we thought they were, and what we
imagined was peace and coexistence with our neighbors was actually
a fool’s paradise of delusion and paranoia. Anyone who thinks . .
.”
I leaned over to Joffy. “Do people believe this
garbage?”
“I’m afraid so. I think he’s working on the ‘people
will far more readily believe a big lie than a small one’
principle. Still surprises me, though.”
“. . . whoever disturbs this mission,” rattled on
Kaine, “is an enemy of the people, whether they be Danish or Welsh
sympathizers, eager to overthrow our nation, or ill-informed
lunatics who do not deserve the vote or a voice.”
There was applause, but a few boos, too. I saw
Colonel Gayle make notes on a scrap of paper as to who was shouting
them, counting out the seat numbers as he did so.
“But why the Danish?” continued the man with the
red hair. “They have a notoriously fair system of parliament, an
impeccable record of human rights and a deserved reputation of
upstanding charitable works in Third World nations. I think these
are lies, Mr. Kaine!”
There were gasps and intakes of breath, but a few
head noddings, too. Even, I think, from van de Poste.
“For the moment, at least,” began Kaine in a
conciliatory tone, “everyone is permitted an opinion, and I thank
our friend for his candor. However, I would like to bring the
audience’s attention to an unrelated yet emotive issue that will
bring the discussion away from embarrassing shortcomings of my
administration and back into the arena of populist politics.
Namely: the disgraceful record of puppy and kitten death when the
Commonsense Party was in power.”
At the mention of puppies and kittens dying, there
were cries of alarm from the elder members of the audience.
Confident that he had turned the discussion, Kaine
went on, “As things stand at the moment, over one thousand unwanted
puppies and kittens are destroyed each year by lethal injections,
which are freely available to veterinarians in Denmark. As
committed humanitarians, the Whig Party has always condemned
unwanted pet extermination.”
“Mr. Van de Poste?” asked Webastow. “How do you
react to Mr. Kaine’s diversionary tactics regarding kitten
death?”
“Clearly,” began van de Poste, “kitten and puppy
death is regrettable, but we in the Commonsense Party must bring it
to everyone’s attention that unwanted pets have to be destroyed in
this manner. If people were more responsible with their pets, then
this sort of thing wouldn’t happen.”
“Typical of the Commonsense approach!” barked
Kaine. “Blaming the population as though they were feeble-minded
fools with little personal responsibility! We in the Whig Party
would never condone such an accusation and are appalled by Mr. van
de Poste’s outburst. I will personally pledge to you now that I
will make the puppy-home-deficit problem my primary concern when I
am made dictator.”
There were loud cheers at this, and I shook my head
sadly.
“Well,” said Webastow happily, “I think I will give
Mr. Kaine a full five points for his masterful misdirection, plus a
bonus two points for obscuring the Danish issue rather than facing
up to it. Mr. van de Poste, I’m sorry that I can only offer you a
single point. Not only did you tacitly agree to Mr. Kaine’s
outrageous foreign policy, but you answered the unwanted-pet
problem with an honest reply. So at the end of round three, Kaine
is galloping ahead with seventeen points and van de Poste is
bringing up the rear with seven. Our next question comes from Mr.
Wedgwood.”
“Yes,” said a very old man in the third row, “I
should like to know if the panel supports the Goliath Corporation’s
change to a faith-based corporate-management system.”
And so it dragged on for nearly an hour, Kaine
making outrageous claims and most of the audience failing to notice
or, even worse, care. I was extremely glad when the program drew to
a close, with Kaine leading thirty-eight points to van de Poste’s
sixteen, and we filed out of the door.
“What now?” asked Joffy.
I took my Jurisfiction TravelBook from my pocket
and opened it at the page that offered a paragraph of The Sword
of the Zenobians, one of the many unpublished works
Jurisfiction used as a prison. All I had to do was grab Kaine’s
hand and read.
“I’m going to take Kaine back to the BookWorld with
me. He’s far too dangerous to leave out here.”
“I agree,” said Joffy, leading me around to where
two large limousines were waiting for the Chancellor. “He’ll want
to meet his ‘adoring’ public, so you should have a chance.”
We found the crowd waiting for him and pushed our
way to the front. Most of the TV audience had turned up to see
Kaine, but probably not for the same purpose as I. There was
excited chatter as Kaine appeared. He smiled serenely and walked
down the line, shook hands and was presented with flowers and
babies to kiss. Close by his side was Colonel Gayle, with a phalanx
of guards who stared into the crowd to make sure no one would try
anything. Behind them all, I could see Stricknene still clinging
onto the red briefcase. I partially hid myself behind a Kaine
acolyte waving a Whig Party flag so Kaine didn’t see me. We had
crossed swords once before, and he knew what I was capable of, much
as I knew what he was capable of—the last time we met, he
had tried to have us eaten by the Glatisant, a sort of hell beast
from the depths of mankind’s most depraved imagination. If he could
conjure up fictional beasts at will, I would have to be more
careful.
But then, as the small group moved closer, I
started to feel a curious impulse not to trap Kaine but to join in
with the infectious enthusiasm. The atmosphere was electric, and
being swept along with the crowd was something that just suddenly
seemed right. Joffy had fallen under the spell already and
was waving and whistling his support. I fought down a strong
feeling to stop what I was doing and perhaps give Yorrick the
benefit of the doubt when he and his entourage were upon us. His
hand came out towards the crowd. I steadied myself, glanced at the
opening lines of Zenobians and waited for the right moment.
I would have to hold on tight as I read our way into the BookWorld,
but that didn’t bother me, as I’d done it many times before. What
did worry me was the fact that my resolve was softening even
faster.
Before the Kaine magnetism could take me over any
further, I took a deep breath, grabbed the outstretched hand and
muttered quickly, “It was a time of peace within the land of the
Zenobians. . . .”
It didn’t take long for me to jump into the
BookWorld. Within a few moments, the bustling nighttime crowd in
the car park of ToadNewsNetwork studios had vanished from view, to
be replaced by a warm, verdant valley where herds of unicorns
grazed peacefully under the summer sun. Grammasites wheeled in the
blue skies, riding the thermals that rose from the warm
grassland.
“So!” I said, turning to Kaine and receiving
something of a shock. Beside me was not Yorrick but a middle-aged
man holding a Whig Party flag and staring at the crystal-clear
waters babbling through a gap in the rocks. I must have grabbed the
wrong hand.
“Where am I?” asked the man, who was understandably
confused.
“It’s a near-death experience,” I told him hastily.
“What do you think?”
“It’s beautiful!”
“Good. Don’t get too fond of it. I’m taking you
back.”
I grasped him again, muttered the password under my
breath and jumped out of fiction, something I had a lot less
trouble with. We arrived behind some dustbins just as Kaine and his
entourage were driving off. I ran up to Joffy, who was still waving
good-bye, and told him to snap out of it.
“Sorry,” he said, shaking his head. “What happened
to you?”
“Don’t ask. C’mon, let’s go home.”
We left the scene as a very excited and confused
middle-aged man tried to tell anyone who would listen about his
“near-death experience.”
I went to bed past midnight, my head spinning from
my experience of Kaine’s almost hypnotic hold of the populace.
Still, I wasn’t out of ideas. I could try to grab him again and,
failing that, use the eraserhead I had smuggled out of the
BookWorld. Destroying him didn’t bother me. I’d be no more guilty
of murder than would an author with a delete key. But while Formby
opposed him, Kaine would not become dictator, so I had a bit of
time to work up a strategy. I could observe and plan. “Time spent
doing renaissance,” Mrs. Malaprop used to say, “is never
wasted.”