I send you, by a person who sets out this
day for Leipsig, a small packet from your Mamma, containing some
valuable things which you left behind, to which I have added, by
way of new-year's gift, a very pretty tooth-pick case; and, by the
way, pray take great care of your teeth, and keep them extremely
clean. I have likewise sent you the Greek roots, lately translated
into English from the French of the Port Royal. Inform yourself
what the Port Royal is. To conclude with a quibble: I hope you will
not only feed upon these Greek roots, but likewise digest them
perfectly. Adieu.
LETTER
XXI
LONDON, December
15, O. S. 1747
DEAR Boy: There is nothing which I more wish
that you should know, and which fewer people do know, than the true
use and value of time. It is in everybody's mouth; but in few
people's practice. Every fool, who slatterns away his whole time in
nothings, utters, however, some trite commonplace sentence, of
which there are millions, to prove, at once, the value and the
fleetness of time. The sun-dials, likewise all over Europe, have
some ingenious inscription to that effect; so that nobody squanders
away their time, without hearing and seeing, daily, how necessary
it is to employ it well, and how irrecoverable it is if lost. But
all these admonitions are useless, where there is not a fund of
good sense and reason to suggest them, rather than receive them. By
the manner in which you now tell me that you employ your time, I
flatter myself that you have that fund; that is the fund which will
make you rich indeed. I do not, therefore, mean to give you a
critical essay upon the use and abuse of time; but I will only give
you some hints with regard to the use of one particular period of
that long time which, I hope, you have before you; I mean, the next
two years. Remember, then, that whatever knowledge you do not
solidly lay the foundation of before you are eighteen, you will
never be the master of while you breathe. Knowledge is a
comfortable and necessary retreat and shelter for us in an advanced
age; and if we do not plant it while young, it will give us no
shade when we grow old. I neither require nor expect from you great
application to books, after you are once thrown out into the great
world. I know it is impossible; and it may even, in some cases, be
improper; this, therefore, is your time, and your only time, for
unwearied and uninterrupted application. If you should sometimes
think it a little laborious, consider that labor is the unavoidable
fatigue of a necessary journey. The more hours a day you travel,
the sooner you will be at your journey's end. The sooner you are
qualified for your liberty, the sooner you shall have it; and your
manumission will entirely depend upon the manner in which you
employ the intermediate time. I think I offer you a very good
bargain, when I promise you, upon my word, that if you will do
everything that I would have you do, till you are eighteen, I will
do everything that you would have me do ever afterward.
I knew a gentleman, who was so good a
manager of his time, that he would not even lose that small portion
of it, which the calls of nature obliged him to pass in the
necessary-house; but gradually went through all the Latin poets, in
those moments. He bought, for example, a common edition of Horace,
of which he tore off gradually a couple of pages, carried them with
him to that necessary place, read them first, and then sent them
down as a sacrifice to Cloacina: this was so much time fairly
gained; and I recommend you to follow his example. It is better
than only doing what you cannot help doing at those moments; and it
will made any book, which you shall read in that manner, very
present in your mind. Books of science, and of a grave sort, must
be read with continuity; but there are very many, and even very
useful ones, which may be read with advantage by snatches, and
unconnectedly; such are all the good Latin poets, except Virgil in
his "AEneid": and such are most of the modern poets, in which you
will find many pieces worth reading, that will not take up above
seven or eight minutes. Bayle's, Moreri's, and other dictionaries,
are proper books to take and shut up for the little intervals of
(otherwise) idle time, that everybody has in the course of the day,
between either their studies or their pleasures. Good night.
LETTER
XXII
LONDON, December
18, O. S. 1747.
DEAR Boy: As two mails are now due from
Holland,
I have no letters of yours, or Mr. Harte's
to acknowledge; so that this letter is the effect of that
'scribendi cacoethes,' which my fears, my hopes, and my doubts,
concerning you give me. When I have wrote you a very long letter
upon any subject, it is no sooner gone, but I think I have omitted
something in it, which might be of use to you; and then I prepare
the supplement for the next post: or else some new subject occurs
to me, upon which I fancy I can give you some informations, or
point out some rules which may be advantageous to you. This sets me
to writing again, though God knows whether to any purpose or not; a
few years more can only ascertain that. But, whatever my success
may be, my anxiety and my care can only be the effects of that
tender affection which I have for you; and which you cannot
represent to yourself greater than it really is. But do not mistake
the nature of that affection, and think it of a kind that you may
with impunity abuse. It is not natural affection, there being in
reality no such thing; for, if there were, some inward sentiment
must necessarily and reciprocally discover the parent to the child,
and the child to the parent, without any exterior indications,
knowledge, or acquaintance whatsoever; which never happened since
the creation of the world, whatever poets, romance, and novel
writers, and such sentiment-mongers, may be pleased to say to the
contrary. Neither is my affection for you that of a mother, of
which the only, or at least the chief objects, are health and life:
I wish you them both most heartily; but, at the same time, I
confess they are by no means my principal care.
My object is to have you fit to live; which,
if you are not, I do not desire that you should live at all. My
affection for you then is, and only will be, proportioned to your
merit; which is the only affection that one rational being ought to
have for another. Hitherto I have discovered nothing wrong in your
heart, or your head: on the contrary I think I see sense in the
one, and sentiments in the other. This persuasion is the only
motive of my present affection; which will either increase or
diminish, according to your merit or demerit. If you have the
knowledge, the honor, and probity, which you may have, the marks
and warmth of my affection shall amply reward them; but if you have
them not, my aversion and indignation will rise in the same
proportion; and, in that case, remember, that I am under no further
obligation, than to give you the necessary means of subsisting. If
ever we quarrel, do not expect or depend upon any weakness in my
nature, for a reconciliation, as children frequently do, and often
meet with, from silly parents; I have no such weakness about me:
and, as I will never quarrel with you but upon some essential
point; if once we quarrel, I will never forgive. But I hope and
believe, that this declaration (for it is no threat) will prove
unnecessary. You are no stranger to the principles of virtue; and,
surely, whoever knows virtue must love it. As for knowledge, you
have already enough of it, to engage you to acquire more. The
ignorant only, either despise it, or think that they have enough:
those who have the most are always the most desirous to have more,
and know that the most they can have is, alas! but too
little.
Reconsider, from time to time, and retain
the friendly advice which I send you. The advantage will be all
your own.
LETTER
XXIII
LONDON, December
29, O. S. 1747
DEAR BOY: I have received two letters from
you of the 17th and 22d, N. S., by the last of which I find that
some of mine to you must have miscarried; for I have never been
above two posts without writing to you or to Mr. Harte, and even
very long letters. I have also received a letter from Mr. Harte,
which gives me great satisfaction: it is full of your praises; and
he answers for you, that, in two years more, you will deserve your
manumission, and be fit to go into the world, upon a footing that
will do you honor, and give me pleasure.
I thank you for your offer of the new
edition of 'Adamus Adami,' but I do not want it, having a good
edition of it at present. When you have read that, you will do well
to follow it with Pere Bougeant's 'Histoire du Traite de Munster,'
in two volumes quarto; which contains many important anecdotes
concerning that famous treaty, that are not in Adamus Adami.
You tell me that your lectures upon the 'Jus
Publicum' will be ended at Easter; but then I hope that Monsieur
Mascow will begin them again; for I would not have you discontinue
that study one day while you are at Leipsig. I suppose that
Monsieur Mascow will likewise give you lectures upon the
'Instrumentum Pacis,' and upon the capitulations of the late
emperors. Your German will go on of course; and I take it for
granted that your stay at Leipsig will make you a perfect master of
that language, both as to speaking and writing; for remember, that
knowing any language imperfectly, is very little better than not
knowing it at all: people being as unwilling to speak in a language
which they do not possess thoroughly, as others are to hear them.
Your thoughts are cramped, and appear to great disadvantage, in any
language of which you are not perfect master. Let modern history
share part of your time, and that always accompanied with the maps
of the places in question; geography and history are very imperfect
separately, and, to be useful, must be joined.
Go to the Duchess of Courland's as often as
she and your leisure will permit. The company of women of fashion
will improve your manners, though not your understanding; and that
complaisance and politeness, which are so useful in men's company,
can only be acquired in women's.
Remember always, what I have told you a
thousand times, that all the talents in the world will want all
their lustre, and some part of their use too, if they are not
adorned with that easy good-breeding, that engaging manner, and
those graces, which seduce and prepossess people in your favor at
first sight. A proper care of your person is by no means to be
neglected; always extremely clean; upon proper occasions fine. Your
carriage genteel, and your motions graceful. Take particular care
of your manner and address, when you present yourself in company.
Let them be respectful without meanness, easy without too much
familiarity, genteel without affectation, and insinuating without
any seeming art or design.
You need not send me any more extracts of
the German constitution; which, by the course of your present
studies, I know you must soon be acquainted with; but I would now
rather that your letters should be a sort of journal of your own
life. As, for instance, what company you keep, what new
acquaintances you make, what your pleasures are; with your own
reflections upon the whole: likewise what Greek and Latin books you
read and understand. Adieu!
1748
LETTER XXIV
January 2, O. S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: I am edified with the allotment of
your time at Leipsig; which is so well employed from morning till
night, that a fool would say you had none left for yourself;
whereas, I am sure you have sense enough to know, that such a right
use of your time is having it all to yourself; nay, it is even
more, for it is laying it out to immense interest, which, in a very
few years, will amount to a prodigious capital.
Though twelve of your fourteen 'Commensaux'
may not be the liveliest people in the world, and may want (as I
easily conceive that they do) 'le ton de la bonne campagnie, et les
graces', which I wish you, yet pray take care not to express any
contempt, or throw out any ridicule; which I can assure you, is not
more contrary to good manners than to good sense: but endeavor
rather to get all the good you can out of them; and something or
other is to be got out of everybody. They will, at least, improve
you in the German language; and, as they come from different
countries, you may put them upon subjects, concerning which they
must necessarily be able to give you some useful informations, let
them be ever so dull or disagreeable in general: they will know
something, at least, of the laws, customs, government, and
considerable families of their respective countries; all which are
better known than not, and consequently worth inquiring into. There
is hardly any body good for every thing, and there is scarcely any
body who is absolutely good for nothing. A good chemist will
extract some spirit or other out of every substance; and a man of
parts will, by his dexterity and management, elicit something worth
knowing out of every being he converses with.
As you have been introduced to the Duchess
of Courland, pray go there as often as ever your more necessary
occupations will allow you. I am told she is extremely well bred,
and has parts. Now, though I would not recommend to you, to go into
women's company in search of solid knowledge, or judgment, yet it
has its use in other respects; for it certainly polishes the
manners, and gives 'une certaine tournure', which is very necessary
in the course of the world; and which Englishmen have generally
less of than any people in the world.
I cannot say that your suppers are
luxurious, but you must own they are solid; and a quart of soup,
and two pounds of potatoes, will enable you to pass the night
without great impatience for your breakfast next morning. One part
of your supper (the potatoes) is the constant diet of my old
friends and countrymen,-[Lord Chesterfield, from the time he was
appointed Lord-lieutenant of Ireland, 1775, used always to call the
Irish his countrymen.]-the Irish, who are the healthiest and the
strongest bodies of men that I know in Europe.
As I believe that many of my letters to you
and to Mr. Harte have miscarried, as well as some of yours and his
to me; particularly one of his from Leipsig, to which he refers in
a subsequent one, and which I never received; I would have you, for
the future, acknowledge the dates of all the letters which either
of you shall receive from me; and I will do the same on my
part.
That which I received by the last mail, from
you, was of the 25th November, N. S.; the mail before that brought
me yours, of which I have forgot the date, but which inclosed one
to Lady Chesterfield: she will answer it soon, and, in the mean
time, thanks you for it.
My disorder was only a very great cold, of
which I am entirely recovered. You shall not complain for want of
accounts from Mr. Grevenkop, who will frequently write you whatever
passes here, in the German language and character; which will
improve you in both. Adieu.
LETTER
XXV
LONDON, January 15,
O. S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: I willingly accept the new-year's
gift which you promise me for next year; and the more valuable you
make it, the more thankful I shall be. That depends entirely upon
you; and therefore I hope to be presented, every year, with a new
edition of you, more correct than the former, and considerably
enlarged and amended.
Since you do not care to be an assessor of
the imperial chamber, and that you desire an establishment in
England; what do you think of being Greek Professor at one of our
universities? It is a very pretty sinecure, and requires very
little knowledge (much less than, I hope, you have already) of that
language. If you do not approve of this, I am at a loss to know
what else to propose to you; and therefore desire that you will
inform me what sort of destination you propose for yourself; for it
is now time to fix it, and to take our measures accordingly. Mr.
Harte tells me that you set up for a-----; if so, I presume it is
in the view of succeeding me in my office;-[A secretary of
state.]-which I will very willingly resign to you, whenever you
shall call upon me for it. But, if you intend to be the----, or
the------, there are some trifling circumstances upon which you
should previously take your resolution. The first of which is, to
be fit for it: and then, in order to be so, make yourself master of
ancient and, modern history, and languages. To know perfectly the
constitution, and form of government of every nation; the growth
and the decline of ancient and modern empires; and to trace out and
reflect upon the causes of both. To know the strength, the riches,
and the commerce of every country. These little things, trifling as
they may seem, are yet very necessary for a politician to know; and
which therefore, I presume, you will condescend to apply yourself
to. There are some additional qualifications necessary, in the
practical part of business, which may deserve some consideration in
your leisure moments; such as, an absolute command of your temper,
so as not to be provoked to passion, upon any account; patience, to
hear frivolous, impertinent, and unreasonable applications; with
address enough to refuse, without offending, or, by your manner of
granting, to double the obligation; dexterity enough to conceal a
truth without telling a lie; sagacity enough to read other people's
countenances; and serenity enough not to let them discover anything
by yours; a seeming frankness with a real reserve. These are the
rudiments of a politician; the world must be your grammar.
Three mails are now due from Holland; so
that I have no letters from you to acknowledge. I therefore
conclude with recommending myself to your favor and protection when
you succeed. Yours.
LETTER
XXVI
LONDON, January 29,
O. S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: I find, by Mr. Harte's last
letter, that many of my letters to you and him, have been frozen up
on their way to Leipsig; the thaw has, I suppose, by this time, set
them at liberty to pursue their journey to you, and you will
receive a glut of them at once. Hudibras alludes, in this
verse,
"Like words congealed in northern
air,"
to a vulgar notion, that in Greenland words
were frozen in their utterance; and that upon a thaw, a very mixed
conversation was heard in the air, of all those words set at
liberty. This conversation was, I presume, too various and
extensive to be much attended to: and may not that be the case of
half a dozen of my long letters, when you receive them all at once?
I think that I can, eventually, answer that question, thus: If you
consider my letters in their true light, as conveying to you the
advice of a friend, who sincerely wishes your happiness, and
desires to promote your pleasure, you will both read and attend to
them; but, if you consider them in their opposite, and very false
light, as the dictates of a morose and sermonizing father, I am
sure they will be not only unattended to, but unread. Which is the
case, you can best tell me. Advice is seldom welcome; and those who
want it the most always like it the least. I hope that your want of
experience, of which you must be conscious, will convince you, that
you want advice; and that your good sense will incline you to
follow it.
Tell me how you pass your leisure hours at
Leipsig; I know you have not many; and I have too good an opinion
of you to think, that, at this age, you would desire more. Have you
assemblies, or public spectacles? and of what kind are they?
Whatever they are, see them all; seeing everything, is the only way
not to admire anything too much.
If you ever take up little tale-books, to
amuse you by snatches, I will recommend two French books, which I
have already mentioned; they will entertain you, and not without
some use to your mind and your manners. One is, 'La Maniere de bien
penser dans les Ouvrages d'Esprit', written by Pere Bouhours; I
believe you read it once in England, with Monsieur Coderc; but I
think that you will do well to read it again, as I know of no book
that will form your taste better. The other is, 'L'Art de plaire
dans la Conversation', by the Abbe de Bellegarde, and is by no
means useless, though I will not pretend to say, that the art of
pleasing can be reduced to a receipt; if it could, I am sure that
receipt would be worth purchasing at any price. Good sense, and
good nature, are the principal ingredients; and your own
observation, and the good advice of others, must give the right
color and taste to it. Adieu! I shall always love you as you shall
deserve.
LETTER
XXVII
LONDON, February 9,
O. S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: You will receive this letter, not
from a Secretary of State but from a private man; for whom, at his
time of life, quiet was as fit, and as necessary, as labor and
activity are for you at your age, and for many years yet to come. I
resigned the seals, last Saturday, to the King; who parted with me
most graciously, and (I may add, for he said so himself) with
regret. As I retire from hurry to quiet, and to enjoy, at my ease,
the comforts of private and social life, you will easily imagine
that I have no thoughts of opposition, or meddling with business.
'Otium cum dignitate' is my object. The former I now enjoy; and I
hope that my conduct and character entitle me to some share of the
latter. In short, I am now happy: and I found that I could not be
so in my former public situation.
As I like your correspondence better than
that of all the kings, princes, and ministers, in Europe, I shall
now have leisure to carry it on more regularly. My letters to you
will be written, I am sure, by me, and, I hope, read by you, with
pleasure; which, I believe, seldom happens, reciprocally, to
letters written from and to a secretary's office.
Do not apprehend that my retirement from
business may be a hindrance to your advancement in it, at a proper
time: on the contrary, it will promote it; for, having nothing to
ask for myself, I shall have the better title to ask for you. But
you have still a surer way than this of rising, and which is wholly
in your own power. Make yourself necessary; which, with your
natural parts, you may, by application, do. We are in general, in
England, ignorant of foreign affairs: and of the interests, views,
pretensions, and policy of other courts. That part of knowledge
never enters into our thoughts, nor makes part of our education;
for which reason, we have fewer proper subjects for foreign
commissions, than any other country in Europe; and, when foreign
affairs happen to be debated in Parliament, it is incredible with
how much ignorance. The harvest of foreign affairs being then so
great, and the laborers so few, if you make yourself master of
them, you will make yourself necessary; first as a foreign, and
then as a domestic minister for that department.
I am extremely well pleased with the account
which you give me of the allotment of your time. Do but go on so,
for two years longer, and I will ask no more of you. Your labors
will be their own reward; but if you desire any other, that I can
add, you may depend upon it.
I am glad that you perceive the indecency
and turpitude of those of your 'Commensaux', who disgrace and foul
themselves with dirty w--s and scoundrel gamesters. And the light
in which, I am sure, you see all reasonable and decent people
consider them, will be a good warning to you. Adieu.
LETTER
XXVIII
LONDON, February
13, O. S. 1748
DEAR BOY: your last letter gave me a very
satisfactory account of your manner of employing your time at
Leipsig. Go on so but for two years more, and, I promise you, that
you will outgo all the people of your age and time. I thank you for
your explanation of the 'Schriftsassen', and 'Amptsassen'; and pray
let me know the meaning of the 'Landsassen'. I am very willing that
you should take a Saxon servant, who speaks nothing but German,
which will be a sure way of keeping up your German, after you leave
Germany. But then, I would neither have that man, nor him whom you
have already, put out of livery; which makes them both impertinent
and useless. I am sure, that as soon as you shall have taken the
other servant, your present man will press extremely to be out of
livery, and valet de chambre; which is as much as to say, that he
will curl your hair and shave you, but not condescend to do
anything else. I therefore advise you, never to have a servant out
of livery; and, though you may not always think proper to carry the
servant who dresses you abroad in the rain and dirt, behind a coach
or before a chair, yet keep it in your power to do so, if you
please, by keeping him in livery.
I have seen Monsieur and Madame Flemming,
who gave me a very good account of you, and of your manners, which
to tell you the plain truth, were what I doubted of the most. She
told me, that you were easy, and not ashamed: which is a great deal
for an Englishman at your age.
I set out for Bath to-morrow, for a month;
only to be better than well, and enjoy, in, quiet, the liberty
which I have acquired by the resignation of the seals. You shall
hear from me more at large from thence; and now good night to
you.
LETTER
XXIX
BATH, February 18,
O. S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: The first use that I made of my
liberty was to come here, where I arrived yesterday. My health,
though not fundamentally bad yet, for want of proper attention of
late, wanted some repairs, which these waters never fail giving it.
I shall drink them a month, and return to London, there to enjoy
the comforts of social life, instead of groaning under the load of
business. I have given the description of the life that I propose
to lead for the future, in this motto, which I have put up in the
frize of my library in my new house:-
Nunc veterum libris, nunc somno, et
inertibus horis
Ducere sollicitae jucunda oblivia
vitas.
I must observe to you upon this occasion,
that the uninterrupted satisfaction which I expect to find in that
library, will be chiefly owing to my having employed some part of
my life well at your age. I wish I had employed it better, and my
satisfaction would now be complete; but, however, I planted while
young, that degree of knowledge which is now my refuge and my
shelter. Make your plantations still more extensive; they will more
than pay you for your trouble. I do not regret the time that I
passed in pleasures; they were seasonable; they were the pleasures
of youth, and I enjoyed them while young. If I had not, I should
probably have overvalued them now, as we are very apt to do what we
do not know; but, knowing them as I do, I know their real value,
and how much they are generally overrated. Nor do I regret the time
that I have passed in business, for the same reason; those who see
only the outside of it, imagine it has hidden charms, which they
pant after; and nothing but acquaintance can undeceive them. I, who
have been behind the scenes, both of pleasure and business, and
have seen all the springs and pullies of those decorations which
astonish and dazzle the audience, retire, not only without regret,
but with contentment and satisfaction. But what I do, and ever
shall regret, is the time which, while young, I lost in mere
idleness, and in doing nothing. This is the common effect of the
inconsideracy of youth, against which I beg you will be most
carefully upon your guard. The value of moments, when cast up, is
immense, if well employed; if thrown away, their loss is
irrecoverable. Every moment may be put to some use, and that with
much more pleasure, than if unemployed. Do not imagine, that by the
employment of time, I mean an uninterrupted application to serious
studies. No; pleasures are, at proper times, both as necessary and
as useful; they fashion and form you for the world; they teach you
characters, and show you the human heart in its unguarded minutes.
But then remember to make that use of them. I have known many
people, from laziness of mind, go through both pleasure and
business with equal inattention; neither enjoying the one, nor
doing the other; thinking themselves men of pleasure, because they
were mingled with those who were, and men of business, because they
had business to do, though they did not do it. Whatever you do, do
it to the purpose; do it thoroughly, not superficially.
'Approfondissez': go to the bottom of things. Any thing half done
or half known, is, in my mind, neither done nor known at all. Nay
worse, it often misleads. There is hardly any place or any company,
where you may not gain knowledge, if you please; almost everybody
knows some one thing, and is glad to talk upon that one thing. Seek
and you will find, in this world as well as in the next. See
everything; inquire into everything; and you may excuse your
curiosity, and the questions you ask which otherwise might be
thought impertinent, by your manner of asking them; for most things
depend a great deal upon the manner. As, for example, I AM AFRAID
THAT I AM VERY TROUBLESOME WITH MY QUESTIONS; BUT NOBODY CAN INFORM
ME SO WELL AS YOU; or something of that kind.
Now that you are in a Lutheran country, go
to their churches, and observe the manner of their public worship;
attend to their ceremonies, and inquire the meaning and intention
of everyone of them. And, as you will soon understand German well
enough, attend to their sermons, and observe their manner of
preaching. Inform yourself of their church government: whether it
resides in the sovereign, or in consistories and synods. Whence
arises the maintenance of their clergy; whether from tithes, as in
England, or from voluntary contributions, or from pensions from the
state. Do the same thing when you are in Roman Catholic countries;
go to their churches, see all their ceremonies: ask the meaning of
them, get the terms explained to you. As, for instance, Prime,
Tierce, Sexte, Nones, Matins, Angelus, High Mass, Vespers,
Complines, etc. Inform yourself of their several religious orders,
their founders, their rules, their vows, their habits, their
revenues, etc. But, when you frequent places of public worship, as
I would have you go to all the different ones you meet with,
remember, that however erroneous, they are none of them objects of
laughter and ridicule. Honest error is to be pitied, not ridiculed.
The object of all the public worships in the world is the same; it
is that great eternal Being who created everything. The different
manners of worship are by no means subjects of ridicule. Each sect
thinks its own is the best; and I know no infallible judge in this
world, to decide which is the best. Make the same inquiries,
wherever you are, concerning the revenues, the military
establishment, the trade, the commerce, and the police of every
country. And you would do well to keep a blank paper book, which
the Germans call an ALBUM; and there, instead of desiring, as they
do, every fool they meet with to scribble something, write down all
these things as soon as they come to your knowledge from good
authorities.
I had almost forgotten one thing, which I
would recommend as an object for your curiosity and information,
that is, the administration of justice; which, as it is always
carried on in open court, you may, and I would have you, go and see
it with attention and inquiry.
I have now but one anxiety left, which is
concerning you. I would have you be, what I know nobody is-perfect.
As that is impossible, I would have you as near perfection as
possible. I know nobody in a fairer way toward it than yourself, if
you please. Never were so much pains taken for anybody's education
as for yours; and never had anybody those opportunities of
knowledge and improvement which you, have had, and still have, I
hope, I wish, I doubt, and fear alternately. This only I am sure
of, that you will prove either the greatest pain or the greatest
pleasure of, Yours.
LETTER
XXX
BATH, February 22,
O. S. 1748.
DEAR Boy: Every excellency, and every
virtue, has its kindred vice or weakness; and if carried beyond
certain bounds, sinks into one or the other. Generosity often runs
into profusion, economy into avarice, courage into rashness,
caution into timidity, and so on:-insomuch that, I believe, there
is more judgment required, for the proper conduct of our virtues,
than for avoiding their opposite vices. Vice, in its true light, is
so deformed, that it shocks us at first sight, and would hardly
ever seduce us, if it did not, at first, wear the mask of some
virtue. But virtue is, in itself, so beautiful, that it charms us
at first sight; engages us more and more upon further acquaintance;
and, as with other beauties, we think excess impossible; it is here
that judgment is necessary, to moderate and direct the effects of
an excellent cause. I shall apply this reasoning, at present, not
to any particular virtue, but to an excellency, which, for want of
judgment, is often the cause of ridiculous and blamable effects; I
mean, great learning; which, if not accompanied with sound
judgment, frequently carries us into error, pride, and pedantry.
As, I hope, you will possess that excellency in its utmost extent,
and yet without its too common failings, the hints, which my
experience can suggest, may probably not be useless to you.
Some learned men, proud of their knowledge,
only speak to decide, and give judgment without appeal; the
consequence of which is, that mankind, provoked by the insult, and
injured by the oppression, revolt; and, in order to shake off the
tyranny, even call the lawful authority in question. The more you
know, the modester you should be: and (by the bye) that modesty is
the surest way of gratifying your vanity. Even where you are sure,
seem rather doubtful; represent, but do not pronounce, and, if you
would convince others, seem open to conviction yourself.
Others, to show their learning, or often
from the prejudices of a school education, where they hear of
nothing else, are always talking of the ancients, as something more
than men, and of the moderns, as something less. They are never
without a classic or two in their pockets; they stick to the old
good sense; they read none of the modern trash; and will show you,
plainly, that no improvement has been made, in any one art or
science, these last seventeen hundred years. I would by no means
have you disown your acquaintance with the ancients: but still less
would I have you brag of an exclusive intimacy with them. Speak of
the moderns without contempt, and of the ancients without idolatry;
judge them all by their merits, but not by their ages; and if you
happen to have an Elzevir classic in your pocket neither show it
nor mention it.
Some great scholars, most absurdly, draw all
their maxims, both for public and private life, from what they call
parallel cases in the ancient authors; without considering, that,
in the first place, there never were, since the creation of the
world, two cases exactly parallel; and, in the next place, that
there never was a case stated, or even known, by any historian,
with every one of its circumstances; which, however, ought to be
known, in order to be reasoned from. Reason upon the case itself,
and the several circumstances that attend it, and act accordingly;
but not from the authority of ancient poets, or historians. Take
into your consideration, if you please, cases seemingly analogous;
but take them as helps only, not as guides. We are really so
prejudiced by our education, that, as the ancients deified their
heroes, we deify their madmen; of which, with all due regard for
antiquity, I take Leonidas and Curtius to have been two
distinguished ones. And yet a solid pedant would, in a speech in
parliament, relative to a tax of two pence in the pound upon some
community or other, quote those two heroes, as examples of what we
ought to do and suffer for our country. I have known these
absurdities carried so far by people of injudicious learning, that
I should not be surprised, if some of them were to propose, while
we are at war with the Gauls, that a number of geese should be kept
in the Tower, upon account of the infinite advantage which Rome
received IN A PARALLEL CASE, from a certain number of geese in the
Capitol. This way of reasoning, and this way of speaking, will
always form a poor politician, and a puerile declaimer.
There is another species of learned men,
who, though less dogmatical and supercilious, are not less
impertinent. These are the communicative and shining pedants, who
adorn their conversation, even with women, by happy quotations of
Greek and Latin; and who have contracted such a familiarity with
the Greek and Roman authors, that they, call them by certain names
or epithets denoting intimacy. As OLD Homer; that SLY ROGUE Horace;
MARO, instead of Virgil; and Naso, Instead of Ovid. These are often
imitated by coxcombs, who have no learning at all; but who have got
some names and some scraps of ancient authors by heart, which they
improperly and impertinently retail in all companies, in hopes of
passing for scholars. If, therefore, you would avoid the accusation
of pedantry on one hand, or the suspicion of ignorance on the
other, abstain from learned ostentation. Speak the language of the
company that you are in; speak it purely, and unlarded with any
other. Never seem wiser, nor more learned, than the people you are
with. Wear your learning, like your watch, in a private pocket: and
do not pull it out and strike it; merely to show that you have one.
If you are asked what o'clock it is, tell it; but do not proclaim
it hourly and unasked, like the watchman.
Upon the whole, remember that learning (I
mean Greek and Roman learning) is a most useful and necessary
ornament, which it is shameful not to be master of; but, at the
same time most carefully avoid those errors and abuses which I have
mentioned, and which too often attend it. Remember, too, that great
modern knowledge is still more necessary than ancient; and that you
had better know perfectly the present, than the old state of
Europe; though I would have you well acquainted with both.
I have this moment received your letter of
the 17th, N. S. Though, I confess, there is no great variety in
your present manner of life, yet materials can never be wanting for
a letter; you see, you hear, or you read something new every day; a
short account of which, with your own reflections thereupon, will
make out a letter very well. But, since you desire a subject, pray
send me an account of the Lutheran establishment in Germany; their
religious tenets, their church government, the maintenance,
authority, and titles of their clergy.
'Vittorio Siri', complete, is a very scarce
and very dear book here; but I do not want it. If your own library
grows too voluminous, you will not know what to do with it, when
you leave Leipsig. Your best way will be, when you go away from
thence, to send to England, by Hamburg, all the books that you do
not absolutely want.
Yours.
LETTER
XXXI
BATH, March 1, O.
S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: By Mr. Harte's letter to Mr.
Grevenkop, of the 21st February, N. S., I find that you had been a
great while without receiving any letters from me; but by this
time, I daresay you think you have received enough, and possibly
more than you have read; for I am not only a frequent, but a prolix
correspondent.
Mr. Harte says, in that letter, that he
looks upon Professor Mascow to be one of the ablest men in Europe,
in treaty and political knowledge. I am extremely glad of it; for
that is what I would have you particularly apply to, and make
yourself perfect master of. The treaty part you must chiefly
acquire by reading the treaties themselves, and the histories and
memoirs relative to them; not but that inquiries and conversations
upon those treaties will help you greatly, and imprint them better
in your mind. In this course of reading, do not perplex yourself,
at first, by the multitude of insignificant treaties which are to
be found in the Corps Diplomatique; but stick to the material ones,
which altered the state of Europe, and made a new arrangement among
the great powers; such as the treaties of Munster, Nimeguen,
Ryswick, and Utrecht.
But there is one part of political
knowledge, which is only to be had by inquiry and conversation;
that is, the present state of every power in Europe, with regard to
the three important points, of strength, revenue, and commerce. You
will, therefore, do well, while you are in Germany, to inform
yourself carefully of the military force, the revenues, and the
commerce of every prince and state of the empire; and to write down
those informations in a little book, for that particular purpose.
To give you a specimen of what I mean:-
THE ELECTORATE OF HANOVER
The revenue is about L500,000 a year.
The military establishment, in time of war,
may be about 25,000 men;
but that is the utmost.
The trade is chiefly linens, exported from
Stade.
There are coarse woolen manufactures for
home-consumption.
The mines of Hartz produce about L100,000 in
silver, annually.
Such informations you may very easily get,
by proper inquiries, of every state in Germany if you will but
prefer useful to frivolous conversations.
There are many princes in Germany, who keep
very few or no troops, unless upon the approach of danger, or for
the sake of profit, by letting them out for subsidies, to great
powers: In that case, you will inform yourself what number of
troops they could raise, either for their own defense, or furnish
to other powers for subsidies.
There is very little trouble, and an
infinite use, in acquiring of this knowledge. It seems to me even
to be a more entertaining subject to talk upon, than 'la pluie et
le beau tens'.
Though I am sensible that these things
cannot be known with the utmost exactness, at least by you yet, you
may, however, get so near the truth, that the difference will be
very immaterial.
Pray let me know if the Roman Catholic
worship is tolerated in Saxony, anywhere but at Court; and if
public mass-houses are allowed anywhere else in the electorate. Are
the regular Romish clergy allowed; and have they any
convents?
Are there any military orders in Saxony, and
what? Is the White Eagle a Saxon or a Polish order? Upon what
occasion, and when was it founded? What number of knights?
Adieu! God bless you; and may you turn out
what I wish!
LETTER
XXXII
BATH, March 9, O.
S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: I must from time to time, remind
you of what I have often recommended to you, and of what you cannot
attend to too much; SACRIFICE TO THE GRACES. The different effects
of the same things, said or done, when accompanied or abandoned by
them, is almost inconceivable. They prepare the way to the heart;
and the heart has such an influence over the understanding, that it
is worth while to engage it in our interest. It is the whole of
women, who are guided by nothing else: and it has so much to say,
even with men, and the ablest men too, that it commonly triumphs in
every struggle with the understanding. Monsieur de Rochefoucault,
in his "Maxims," says, that 'l'esprit est souvent la dupe du
coeur.' If he had said, instead of 'souvent, tresque toujours', I
fear he would have been nearer the truth. This being the case, aim
at the heart. Intrinsic merit alone will not do; it will gain you
the general esteem of all; but not the particular affection, that
is, the heart of any. To engage the affections of any particular
person, you must, over and above your general merit, have some
particular merit to that person by services done, or offered; by
expressions of regard and esteem; by complaisance, attentions,
etc., for him. And the graceful manner of doing all these things
opens the way to the heart, and facilitates, or rather insures,
their effects. From your own observation, reflect what a
disagreeable impression an awkward address, a slovenly figure, an
ungraceful manner of speaking, whether stuttering, muttering,
monotony, or drawling, an unattentive behavior, etc., make upon
you, at first sight, in a stranger, and how they prejudice you
against him, though for aught you know, he may have great intrinsic
sense and merit. And reflect, on the other hand, how much the
opposites of all these things prepossess you, at first sight, in
favor of those who enjoy them. You wish to find all good qualities
in them, and are in some degree disappointed if you do not. A
thousand little things, not separately to be defined, conspire to
form these graces, this je ne sais quoi, that always please. A
pretty person, genteel motions, a proper degree of dress, an
harmonious voice, something open and cheerful in the countenance,
but without laughing; a distinct and properly varied manner of
speaking: All these things, and many others, are necessary
ingredients in the composition of the pleasing je ne sais quoi,
which everybody feels, though nobody can describe. Observe
carefully, then, what displeases or pleases you in others, and be
persuaded, that in general; the same things will please or
displease them in you. Having mentioned laughing, I must
particularly warn you against it: and I could heartily wish, that
you may often be seen to smile, but never heard to laugh while you
live. Frequent and loud laughter is the characteristic of folly and
in manners; it is the manner in which the mob express their silly
joy at silly things; and they call it being merry. In my mind,
there is nothing so illiberal, and so ill-bred, as audible
laughter. True wit, or sense, never yet made anybody laugh; they
are above it: They please the mind, and give a cheerfulness to the
countenance. But it is low buffoonery, or silly accidents, that
always excite laughter; and that is what people of sense and
breeding should show themselves above. A man's going to sit down,
in the supposition that he has a chair behind him, and falling down
upon his breech for want of one, sets a whole company a laughing,
when all the wit in the world would not do it; a plain proof, in my
mind, how low and unbecoming a thing laughter is: not to mention
the disagreeable noise that it makes, and the shocking distortion
of the face that it occasions. Laughter is easily restrained, by a
very little reflection; but as it is generally connected with the
idea of gaiety, people do not enough attend to its absurdity. I am
neither of a melancholy nor a cynical disposition, and am as
willing and as apt to be pleased as anybody; but I am sure that,
since I have had the full use of my reason, nobody has ever heard
me laugh. Many people, at first, from awkwardness and 'mauvaise
honte', have got a very disagreeable and silly trick of laughing
whenever they speak; and I know a man of very good parts, Mr.
Waller, who cannot say the commonest thing without laughing; which
makes those, who do not know him, take him at first for a natural
fool. This, and many other very disagreeable habits, are owing to
mauvaise honte at their first setting out in the world. They are
ashamed in company, and so disconcerted, that they do not know what
they do, and try a thousand tricks to keep themselves in
countenance; which tricks afterward grow habitual to them. Some put
their fingers in their nose, others scratch their heads, others
twirl their hats; in short, every awkward, ill-bred body has his
trick. But the frequency does not justify the thing, and all these
vulgar habits and awkwardnesses, though not criminal indeed, are
most carefully to be guarded against, as they are great bars in the
way of the art of pleasing. Remember, that to please is almost to
prevail, or at least a necessary previous step to it. You, who have
your fortune to make, should more particularly study this art. You
had not, I must tell you, when you left England, 'les manieres
prevenantes'; and I must confess they are not very common in
England; but I hope that your good sense will make you acquire them
abroad. If you desire to make yourself considerable in the world
(as, if you have any spirit, you do), it must be entirely your own
doing; for I may very possibly be out of the world at the time you
come into it. Your own rank and fortune will not assist you; your
merit and your manners can alone raise you to figure and fortune. I
have laid the foundations of them, by the education which I have
given you; but you must build the superstructure yourself.
I must now apply to you for some
informations, which I dare say you can, and which I desire you will
give me.
Can the Elector of Saxony put any of his
subjects to death for high treason, without bringing them first to
their trial in some public court of justice?
Can he, by his own authority, confine any
subject in prison as long as he pleases, without trial?
Can he banish any subject out of his
dominions by his own authority?
Can he lay any tax whatsoever upon his
subjects, without the consent of the states of Saxony? and what are
those states? how are they elected? what orders do they consist of?
Do the clergy make part of them? and when, and how often do they
meet?
If two subjects of the elector's are at law,
for an estate situated in the electorate, in what court must this
suit be tried? and will the decision of that court be final, or
does there lie an appeal to the imperial chamber at Wetzlaer?
What do you call the two chief courts, or
two chief magistrates, of civil and criminal justice?
What is the common revenue of the
electorate, one year with another?
What number of troops does the elector now
maintain? and what is the greatest number that the electorate is
able to maintain?
I do not expect to have all these questions
answered at once; but you will answer them, in proportion as you
get the necessary and authentic informations.
You are, you see, my German oracle; and I
consult you with so much faith, that you need not, like the oracles
of old, return ambiguous answers; especially as you have this
advantage over them, too, that I only consult you about past end
present, but not about what is to come.
I wish you a good Easter-fair at Leipsig.
See, with attention all the shops, drolls, tumblers, rope-dancers,
and 'hoc genus omne': but inform yourself more particularly of the
several parts of trade there. Adieu.
LETTER
XXXIII
LONDON, March 25,
O. S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: I am in great joy at the written
and the verbal accounts which I have received lately of you.
The former, from Mr. Harte; the latter, from
Mr. Trevanion, who is arrived here: they conspire to convince me
that you employ your time well at Leipsig. I am glad to find you
consult your own interest and your own pleasure so much; for the
knowledge which you will acquire in these two years is equally
necessary for both. I am likewise particularly pleased to find that
you turn yourself to that sort of knowledge which is more
peculiarly necessary for your destination: for Mr. Harte tells me
you have read, with attention, Caillieres, Pequet, and Richelieu's
"Letters." The "Memoirs" of the Cardinal de Retz will both
entertain and instruct you; they relate to a very interesting
period of the French history, the ministry of Cardinal Mazarin,
during the minority of Lewis XIV. The characters of all the
considerable people of that time are drawn, in a short, strong, and
masterly manner; and the political reflections, which are most of
them printed in italics, are the justest that ever I met with: they
are not the labored reflections of a systematical closet
politician, who, without the least experience of business, sits at
home and writes maxims; but they are the reflections which a great
and able man formed from long experience and practice in great
business. They are true conclusions, drawn from facts, not from
speculations.
As modern history is particularly your
business, I will give you some rules to direct your study of it. It
begins, properly with Charlemagne, in the year 800. But as, in
those times of ignorance, the priests and monks were almost the
only people that could or did write, we have scarcely any histories
of those times but such as they have been pleased to give us, which
are compounds of ignorance, superstition, and party zeal. So that a
general notion of what is rather supposed, than really known to be,
the history of the five or six following centuries, seems to be
sufficient; and much time would be but ill employed in a minute
attention to those legends. But reserve your utmost care, and most
diligent inquiries, from the fifteenth century, and downward. Then
learning began to revive, and credible histories to be written;
Europe began to take the form, which, to some degree, it still
retains: at least the foundations of the present great powers of
Europe were then laid. Lewis the Eleventh made France, in truth, a
monarchy, or, as he used to say himself, 'la mit hors de Page'.
Before his time, there were independent provinces in France, as the
Duchy of Brittany, etc., whose princes tore it to pieces, and kept
it in constant domestic confusion. Lewis the Eleventh reduced all
these petty states, by fraud, force, or marriage; for he scrupled
no means to obtain his ends.
About that time, Ferdinand King of Aragon,
and Isabella his wife, Queen of Castile, united the whole Spanish
monarchy, and drove the Moors out of Spain, who had till then kept
position of Granada. About that time, too, the house of Austria
laid the great foundations of its subsequent power; first, by the
marriage of Maximilian with the heiress of Burgundy; and then, by
the marriage of his son Philip, Archduke of Austria, with Jane, the
daughter of Isabella, Queen of Spain, and heiress of that whole
kingdom, and of the West Indies. By the first of these marriages,
the house of Austria acquired the seventeen provinces, and by the
latter, Spain and America; all which centered in the person of
Charles the Fifth, son of the above-mentioned Archduke Philip, the
son of Maximilian. It was upon account of these two marriages, that
the following Latin distich was made:
Bella gerant alii, Tu felix Austria
nube;
Nam qua, Mars aliis; dat tibi regna
Venus.
This immense power, which the Emperor
Charles the Fifth found himself possessed of, gave him a desire for
universal power (for people never desire all till they have gotten
a great deal), and alarmed France; this sowed the seeds of that
jealousy and enmity, which have flourished ever since between those
two great powers. Afterward the House of Austria was weakened by
the division made by Charles the Fifth of his dominions, between
his son, Philip the Second of Spain, and his brother Ferdinand; and
has ever since been dwindling to the weak condition in which it now
is. This is a most interesting part of the history of Europe, of
which it is absolutely necessary that you should be exactly and
minutely informed.
There are in the history of most countries,
certain very remarkable eras, which deserve more particular inquiry
and attention than the common run of history. Such is the revolt of
the Seventeen Provinces, in the reign of Philip the Second of
Spain, which ended in forming the present republic of the Seven
United Provinces, whose independency was first allowed by Spain at
the treaty of Munster. Such was the extraordinary revolution of
Portugal, in the year 1640, in favor of the present House of
Braganza. Such is the famous revolution of Sweden, when Christian
the Second of Denmark, who was also king of Sweden, was driven out
by Gustavus Vasa. And such also is that memorable era in Denmark,
of 1660; when the states of that kingdom made a voluntary surrender
of all their rights and liberties to the Crown, and changed that
free state into the most absolute monarchy now in Europe. The Acta
Regis, upon that occasion, are worth your perusing. These
remarkable periods of modern history deserve your particular
attention, and most of them have been treated singly by good
historians, which are worth your reading. The revolutions of
Sweden, and of Portugal, are most admirably well written by L'Abbe
de Vertot; they are short, and will not take twelve hours' reading.
There is another book which very well deserves your looking into,
but not worth your buying at present, because it is not portable;
if you can borrow or hire it, you should; and that is, 'L' Histoire
des Traits de Paix, in two volumes, folio, which make part of the
'Corps Diplomatique'. You will there find a short and clear
history, and the substance of every treaty made in Europe, during
the last century, from the treaty of Vervins. Three parts in four
of this book are not worth your reading, as they relate to treaties
of very little importance; but if you select the most considerable
ones, read them with attention, and take some notes, it will be of
great use to you. Attend chiefly to those in which the great powers
of Europe are the parties; such as the treaty of the Pyrenees,
between France and Spain; the treaties of Nimeguen and Ryswick;
but, above all, the treaty of Munster should be most
circumstantially and minutely known to you, as almost every treaty
made since has some reference to it. For this, Pere Bougeant is the
best book you can read, as it takes in the thirty years' war, which
preceded that treaty. The treaty itself, which is made a perpetual
law of the empire, comes in the course of your lectures upon the
'Jus Publicum Imperii'.
In order to furnish you with materials for a
letter, and at the same time to inform both you and myself of what
it is right that we should know, pray answer me the following
questions:
How many companies are there in the Saxon
regiments of foot? How many men in each company?
How many troops in the regiments of horse
and dragoons; and how many men in each?
What number of commissioned and
non-commissioned officers in a company of foot, or in a troop of
horse or dragoons? N. B. Noncommissioned officers are all those
below ensigns and cornets.
What is the daily pay of a Saxon foot
soldier, dragoon, and trooper?
What are the several ranks of the 'Etat
Major-general'? N. B. The Etat Major-general is everything above
colonel. The Austrians have no brigadiers, and the French have no
major-generals in their Etat Major. What have the Saxons?
Adieu!
LETTER
XXXIV
LONDON, March 27,
O. S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: This little packet will be
delivered to you by one Monsieur Duval, who is going to the fair at
Leipsig. He is a jeweler, originally of Geneva, but who has been
settled here these eight or ten years, and a very sensible fellow:
pray do be very civil to him.
As I advised you, some time ago, to inform
yourself of the civil and military establishments of as many of the
kingdoms and states of Europe, as you should either be in yourself,
or be able to get authentic accounts of, I send you here a little
book, in which, upon the article of Hanover, I have pointed out the
short method of putting down these informations, by way of helping
your memory. The book being lettered, you can immediately turn to
whatever article you want; and, by adding interleaves to each
letter, may extend your minutes to what particulars you please. You
may get such books made anywhere; and appropriate each, if you
please, to a particular object. I have myself found great utility
in this method. If I had known what to have sent you by this
opportunity I would have done it. The French say, 'Que les petits
presens entretiennent l'amite et que les grande l'augmentent'; but
I could not recollect that you wanted anything, or at least
anything that you cannot get as well at Leipsig as here. Do but
continue to deserve, and, I assure you, that you shall never want
anything I can give.
Do not apprehend that my being out of
employment may be any prejudice to you. Many things will happen
before you can be fit for business; and when you are fit, whatever
my situation may be, it will always be in my power to help you in
your first steps; afterward you must help yourself by your own
abilities. Make yourself necessary, and, instead of soliciting, you
will be solicited. The thorough knowledge of foreign affairs, the
interests, the views, and the manners of the several courts in
Europe, are not the common growth of this country. It is in your
power to acquire them; you have all the means. Adieu! Yours.
LETTER
XXXV
LONDON, April 1, O.
S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: I have not received any letter,
either from you or from Mr. Harte, these three posts, which I
impute wholly to accidents between this place and Leipsig; and they
are distant enough to admit of many. I always take it for granted
that you are well, when I do not hear to the contrary; besides, as
I have often told you, I am much more anxious about your doing
well, than about your being well; and, when you do not write, I
will suppose that you are doing something more useful. Your health
will continue, while your temperance continues; and at your age
nature takes sufficient care of the body, provided she is left to
herself, and that intemperance on one hand, or medicines on the
other, do not break in upon her. But it is by no means so with the
mind, which, at your age particularly, requires great and constant
care, and some physic. Every quarter of an hour, well or ill
employed, will do it essential and lasting good or harm. It
requires also a great deal of exercise, to bring it to a state of
health and vigor. Observe the difference there is between minds
cultivated, and minds uncultivated, and you will, I am sure, think
that you cannot take too much pains, nor employ too much of your
time in the culture of your own. A drayman is probably born with as
good organs as Milton, Locke, or Newton; but, by culture, they are
as much more above him as he is above his horse. Sometimes, indeed,
extraordinary geniuses have broken out by the force of nature,
without the assistance of education; but those instances are too
rare for anybody to trust to; and even they would make a much
greater figure, if they had the advantage of education into the
bargain. If Shakespeare's genius had been cultivated, those
beauties, which we so justly admire in him, would have been
undisgraced by those extravagancies, and that nonsense, with which
they are frequently accompanied. People are, in general, what they
are made, by education and company, from fifteen to
five-and-twenty; consider well, therefore, the importance of your
next eight or nine years; your whole depends upon them. I will tell
you sincerely, my hopes and my fears concerning you. I think you
will be a good scholar; and that you will acquire a considerable
stock of knowledge of various kinds; but I fear that you neglect
what are called little, though, in truth, they are very material
things; I mean, a gentleness of manners, an engaging address, and
an insinuating behavior; they are real and solid advantages, and
none but those who do not know the world, treat them as trifles. I
am told that you speak very quick, and not distinctly; this is a
most ungraceful and disagreeable trick, which you know I have told
you of a thousand times; pray attend carefully to the correction of
it. An agreeable and, distinct manner of speaking adds greatly to
the matter; and I have known many a very good speech unregarded,
upon account of the disagreeable manner in which it has been
delivered, and many an indifferent one applauded, from the contrary
reason. Adieu!
LETTER
XXXVI
LONDON, April 15,
O. S. 1748
DEAR BOY: Though I have no letters from you
to acknowledge since my last to you, I will not let three posts go
from hence without a letter from me. My affection always prompts me
to write to you; and I am encouraged to do it, by the hopes that my
letters are not quite useless. You will probably receive this in
the midst of the diversions of Leipsig fair; at which, Mr. Harte
tells me, that you are to shine in fine clothes, among fine folks.
I am very glad of it, as it is time that you should begin to be
formed to the manners of the world in higher life. Courts are the
best schools for that sort of learning. You are beginning now with
the outside of a court; and there is not a more gaudy one than that
of Saxony. Attend to it, and make your observations upon the turn
and manners of it, that you may hereafter compare it with other
courts which you will see; And, though you are not yet able to be
informed, or to judge of the political conduct and maxims of that
court, yet you may remark the forms, the ceremonies, and the
exterior state of it. At least see everything that you can see, and
know everything that you can know of it, by asking questions. See
likewise everything at the fair, from operas and plays, down to the
Savoyard's raree-shows.
Everything is worth seeing once; and the
more one sees, the less one either wonders or admires.
Make my compliments to Mr. Harte, and tell
him that I have just now received his letter, for which I thank
him. I am called away, and my letter is therefore very much
shortened. Adieu.
I am impatient to receive your answers to
the many questions that I have asked you.
LETTER
XXXVII
LONDON, April 26,
O. S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: I am extremely pleased with your
continuation of the history of the Reformation; which is one of
those important eras that deserves your utmost attention, and of
which you cannot be too minutely informed. You have, doubtless,
considered the causes of that great event, and observed that
disappointment and resentment had a much greater share in it, than
a religious zeal or an abhorrence of the errors and abuses of
popery.
Luther, an Augustine monk, enraged that his
order, and consequently himself, had not the exclusive privilege of
selling indulgences, but that the Dominicans were let into a share
of that profitable but infamous trade, turns reformer, and exclaims
against the abuses, the corruption, and the idolatry, of the church
of Rome; which were certainly gross enough for him to have seen
long before, but which he had at least acquiesced in, till what he
called the rights, that is, the profit, of his order came to be
touched. It is true, the church of Rome furnished him ample matter
for complaint and reformation, and he laid hold of it ably.
This seems to me the true cause of that
great and necessary, work; but whatever the cause was, the effect
was good; and the Reformation spread itself by its own truth and
fitness; was conscientiously received by great numbers in Germany,
and other countries; and was soon afterward mixed up with the
politics of princes; and, as it always happens in religious
disputes, became the specious covering of injustice and
ambition.
Under the pretense of crushing heresy, as it
was called, the House of Austria meant to extend and establish its
power in the empire; as, on the other hand, many Protestant
princes, under the pretense of extirpating idolatry, or at least of
securing toleration, meant only to enlarge their own dominions or
privileges. These views respectively, among the chiefs on both
sides, much more than true religious motives, continued what were
called the religious wars in Germany, almost uninterruptedly, till
the affairs of the two religions were finally settled by the treaty
of Munster.
Were most historical events traced up to
their true causes, I fear we should not find them much more noble
or disinterested than Luther's disappointed avarice; and therefore
I look with some contempt upon those refining and sagacious
historians, who ascribe all, even the most common events, to some
deep political cause; whereas mankind is made up of
inconsistencies, and no man acts invariably up to his predominant
character. The wisest man sometimes acts weakly, and the weakest
sometimes wisely. Our jarring passions, our variable humors, nay,
our greater or lesser degree of health and spirits, produce such
contradictions in our conduct, that, I believe, those are the
oftenest mistaken, who ascribe our actions to the most seemingly
obvious motives; and I am convinced, that a light supper, a good
night's sleep, and a fine morning, have sometimes made a hero of
the same man, who, by an indigestion, a restless night, and rainy
morning, would, have proved a coward. Our best conjectures,
therefore, as to the true springs of actions, are but very
uncertain; and the actions themselves are all that we must pretend
to know from history. That Caesar was murdered by twenty-three
conspirators, I make no doubt: but I very much doubt that their
love of liberty, and of their country, was their sole, or even
principal motive; and I dare say that, if the truth were known, we
should find that many other motives at least concurred, even in the
great Brutus himself; such as pride, envy, personal pique, and
disappointment. Nay, I cannot help carrying my Pyrrhonism still
further, and extending it often to historical facts themselves, at
least to most of the circumstances with which they are related; and
every day's experience confirms me in this historical incredulity.
Do we ever hear the most recent fact related exactly in the same
way, by the several people who were at the same time eyewitnesses
of it? No. One mistakes, another misrepresents, and others warp it
a little to their own, turn of mind, or private views. A man who
has been concerned in a transaction will not write it fairly; and a
man who has not, cannot. But notwithstanding all this uncertainty,
history is not the less necessary to be known, as the best
histories are taken for granted, and are the frequent subjects both
of conversation and writing. Though I am convinced that Caesar's
ghost never appeared to Brutus, yet I should be much ashamed to be
ignorant of that fact, as related by the historians of those times.
Thus the Pagan theology is universally received as matter for
writing and conversation, though believed now by nobody; and we
talk of Jupiter, Mars, Apollo, etc., as gods, though we know, that
if they ever existed at all, it was only as mere mortal men. This
historical Pyrrhonism, then, proves nothing against the study and
knowledge of history; which, of all other studies, is the most
necessary for a man who is to live in the world. It only points out
to us, not to be too decisive and peremptory; and to be cautious
how we draw inferences for our own practice from remote facts,
partially or ignorantly related; of which we can, at best, but
imperfectly guess, and certainly not know the real motives. The
testimonies of ancient history must necessarily be weaker than
those of modern, as all testimony grows weaker and weaker, as it is
more and more remote from us. I would therefore advise you to study
ancient history, in general, as other people, do; that is, not to
be ignorant of any or those facts which are universally received,
upon the faith of the best historians; and whether true or false,
you have them as other people have them. But modern history, I mean
particularly that of the last three centuries, is what I would have
you apply to with the greatest attention and exactness. There the
probability of coming at the truth is much greater, as the
testimonies are much more recent; besides, anecdotes, memoirs, and
original letters, often come to the aid of modern history. The best
memoirs that I know of are those of Cardinal de Retz, which I have
once before recommended to you; and which I advise you to read more
than once, with attention. There are many political maxims in these
memoirs, most of which are printed in italics; pray attend to, and
remember them. I never read them but my own experience confirms the
truth of them. Many of them seem trifling to people who are not
used to business; but those who are, feel the truth of them.
It is time to put an end to this long
rambling letter; in which if any one thing can be of use to you, it
will more than pay the trouble I have taken to write it. Adieu!
Yours.
LETTER
XXXVIII
LONDON, May 10, O.
S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: I reckon that this letter will
find you just returned from Dresden, where you have made your first
court caravanne. What inclination for courts this taste of them may
have given you, I cannot tell; but this I think myself sure of,
from your good sense, that in leaving Dresden, you have left
dissipation too; and have resumed at Leipsig that application
which, if you like courts, can alone enable you to make a good
figure at them. A mere courtier, without parts or knowledge, is the
most frivolous and contemptible of all beings; as, on the other
hand, a man of parts and knowledge, who acquires the easy and noble
manners of a court, is the most perfect. It is a trite, commonplace
observation, that courts are the seats of falsehood and
dissimulation. That, like many, I might say most, commonplace
observations, is false. Falsehood and dissimulation are certainly
to be found at courts; but where are they not to be found? Cottages
have them, as well as courts; only with worse manners. A couple of
neighboring farmers in a village will contrive and practice as many
tricks, to over-reach each other at the next market, or to supplant
each other in the favor, of the squire, as any two courtiers can do
to supplant each other in the favor of their prince.
Whatever poets may write, or fools believe,
of rural innocence and truth, and of the perfidy of courts, this is
most undoubtedly true that shepherds and ministers are both men;
their nature and passions the same, the modes of them only
different.
Having mentioned commonplace observations, I
will particularly caution you against either using, believing, or
approving them. They are the common topics of witlings and
coxcombs; those, who really have wit, have the utmost contempt for
them, and scorn even to laugh at the pert things that those
would-be wits say upon such subjects.
Religion is one of their favorite topics; it
is all priest-craft; and an invention contrived and carried on by
priests of all religions, for their own power and profit; from this
absurd and false principle flow the commonplace, insipid jokes, and
insults upon the clergy. With these people, every priest, of every
religion, is either a public or a concealed unbeliever, drunkard,
and whoremaster; whereas, I conceive, that priests are extremely
like other men, and neither the better nor the worse for wearing a
gown or a surplice: but if they are different from other people,
probably it is rather on the side of religion and morality, or, at
least, decency, from their education and manner of life.
Another common topic for false wit, and cool
raillery, is matrimony. Every man and his wife hate each other
cordially, whatever they may pretend, in public, to the contrary.
The husband certainly wishes his wife at the devil, and the wife
certainly cuckolds her husband. Whereas, I presume, that men and
their wives neither love nor hate each other the more, upon account
of the form of matrimony which has been said over them. The
cohabitation, indeed, which is the consequence of matrimony, makes
them either love or hate more, accordingly as they respectively
deserve it; but that would be exactly the same between any man and
woman who lived together without being married.
These and many other commonplace reflections
upon nations or professions in general (which are at least as often
false as true), are the poor refuge of people who have neither wit
nor invention of their own, but endeavor to shine in company by
second-hand finery. I always put these pert jackanapes out of
countenance, by looking extremely grave, when they expect that I
should laugh at their pleasantries; and by saying WELL, AND SO, as
if they had not done, and that the sting were still to come. This
disconcerts them, as they have no resources in themselves, and have
but one set of jokes to live upon. Men of parts are not reduced to
these shifts, and have the utmost contempt for them, they find
proper subjects enough for either useful or lively conversations;
they can be witty without satire or commonplace, and serious
without being dull. The frequentation of courts checks this
petulancy of manners; the good-breeding and circumspection which
are necessary, and only to be learned there, correct those
pertnesses. I do not doubt but that you are improved in your
manners by the short visit which you have made at Dresden; and the
other courts, which I intend that you shall be better acquainted
with, will gradually smooth you up to the highest polish. In
courts, a versatility of genius and softness of manners are
absolutely necessary; which some people mistake for abject
flattery, and having no opinion of one's own; whereas it is only
the decent and genteel manner of maintaining your own opinion, and
possibly of bringing other people to it. The manner of doing things
is often more important than the things themselves; and the very
same thing may become either pleasing or offensive, by the manner
of saying or doing it. 'Materiam superabat opus', is often said of
works of sculpture; where though the materials were valuable, as
silver, gold, etc., the workmanship was still more so. This holds
true, applied to manners; which adorn whatever knowledge or parts
people may have; and even make a greater impression upon nine in
ten of mankind, than the intrinsic value of the materials. On the
other hand, remember, that what Horace says of good writing is
justly applicable to those who would make a good figure in courts,
and distinguish themselves in the shining parts of life; 'Sapere
est principium et fons'. A man who, without a good fund of
knowledge and parts, adopts a court life, makes the most ridiculous
figure imaginable. He is a machine, little superior to the court
clock; and, as this points out the hours, he points out the
frivolous employment of them. He is, at most, a comment upon the
clock; and according to the hours that it strikes, tells you now it
is levee, now dinner, now supper time, etc. The end which I propose
by your education, and which (IF YOU PLEASE) I shall certainly
attain, is to unite in you all the knowledge of a scholar with the
manners of a courtier; and to join, what is seldom joined by any of
my countrymen, books and the world. They are commonly twenty years
old before they have spoken to anybody above their schoolmaster,
and the fellows of their college. If they happen to have learning,
it is only Greek and Latin, but not one word of modern history, or
modern languages. Thus prepared, they go abroad, as they call it;
but, in truth, they stay at home all that while; for being very
awkward, confoundedly ashamed, and not speaking the languages, they
go into no foreign company, at least none good; but dine and sup
with one another only at the tavern. Such examples, I am sure, you
will not imitate, but even carefully avoid. You will always take
care to keep the best company in the place where you are, which is
the only use of traveling: and (by the way) the pleasures of a
gentleman are only to be found in the best company; for that not
which low company, most falsely and impudently, call pleasure, is
only the sensuality of a swine.
I ask hard and uninterrupted study from you
but one year more; after that, you shall have every day more and
more time for your amusements. A few hours each day will then be
sufficient for application, and the others cannot be better
employed than in the pleasures of good company. Adieu.
LETTER
XXXIX
LONDON, May 31, O.
S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: I received yesterday your letter
of the 16th, N. S., and have, in consequence of it, written this
day to Sir Charles Williams, to thank him for all the civilities he
has shown you. Your first setting out at court has, I find, been
very favorable; and his Polish Majesty has distinguished you. I
hope you received that mark of distinction with respect and with
steadiness, which is the proper behavior of a man of fashion.
People of a low, obscure education cannot stand the rays of
greatness; they are frightened out of their wits when kings and
great men speak to them; they are awkward, ashamed, and do not know
what nor how to answer; whereas, 'les honnetes gens' are not
dazzled by superior rank: they know, and pay all the respect that
is due to it; but they do it without being disconcerted; and can
converse just as easily with a king as with any one of his
subjects. That is the great advantage of being introduced young
into good company, and being used early to converse with one's
superiors. How many men have I seen here, who, after having had the
full benefit of an English education, first at school, and then at
the university, when they have been presented to the king, did not
know whether they stood upon their heads or their heels! If the
king spoke to them, they were annihilated; they trembled,
endeavored to put their hands in their pockets, and missed them;
let their hats fall, and were ashamed to take them up; and in
short, put themselves in every attitude but the right, that is, the
easy and natural one. The characteristic of a well-bred man, is to
converse with his inferiors without insolence, and with his
superiors with respect and ease. He talks to kings without concern;
he trifles with women of the first condition with familiarity,
gayety, but respect; and converses with his equals, whether he is
acquainted with them or not, upon general common topics, that are
not, however, quite frivolous, without the least concern of mind or
awkwardness of body: neither of which can appear to advantage, but
when they are perfectly easy.
The tea-things, which Sir Charles Williams
has given you, I would have you make a present of to your Mamma,
and send them to her by Duval when he returns. You owe her not only
duty, but likewise great obligations for her care and tenderness;
and, consequently, cannot take too many opportunities of showing
your gratitude.
I am impatient to receive your account of
Dresden, and likewise your answers to the many questions that I
asked you.
Adieu for this time, and God bless
you!
LETTER
XL
LONDON, May 27, O.
S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: This and the two next years make
so important a period of your life, that I cannot help repeating to
you my exhortations, my commands, and (what I hope will be still
more prevailing with you than either) my earnest entreaties, to
employ them well. Every moment that you now lose, is so much
character and advantage lost; as, on the other hand, every moment
that you now employ usefully, is so much time wisely laid out, at
most prodigious interest. These two years must lay the foundations
of all the knowledge that you will ever have; you may build upon
them afterward as much as you please, but it will be too late to
lay any new ones. Let me beg of you, therefore, to grudge no labor
nor pains to acquire, in time, that stock of knowledge, without
which you never can rise, but must make a very insignificant figure
in the world. Consider your own situation; you have not the
advantage of rank or fortune to bear you up; I shall, very
probably, be out of the world before you can properly be said to be
in it. What then will you have to rely on but your own merit? That
alone must raise you, and that alone will raise you, if you have
but enough of it. I have often heard and read of oppressed and
unrewarded merit, but I have oftener (I might say always) seen
great merit make its way, and meet with its reward, to a certain
degree at least, in spite of all difficulties. By merit, I mean the
moral virtues, knowledge, and manners; as to the moral virtues, I
say nothing to you; they speak best for themselves, nor can I
suspect that they want any recommendation with you; I will
therefore only assure you, that without them you will be most
unhappy.
As to knowledge, I have often told you, and
I am persuaded you are thoroughly convinced, how absolutely
necessary it is to you, whatever your destination may be. But as
knowledge has a most extensive meaning, and as the life of man is
not long enough to acquire, nor his mind capable of entertaining
and digesting, all parts of knowledge, I will point out those to
which you should particularly apply, and which, by application, you
may make yourself perfect master of. Classical knowledge, that is,
Greek and Latin, is absolutely necessary for everybody; because
everybody has agreed to think and to call it so. And the word
ILLITERATE, in its common acceptation, means a man who is ignorant
of those two languages. You are by this time, I hope, pretty near
master of both, so that a small part of the day dedicated to them,
for two years more, will make you perfect in that study. Rhetoric,
logic, a little geometry, and a general notion of astronomy, must,
in their turns, have their hours too; not that I desire you should
be deep in any one of these; but it is fit you should know
something of them all. The knowledge more particularly useful and
necessary for you, considering your destination, consists of modern
languages, modern history, chronology, and geography, the laws of
nations, and the 'jus publicum Imperii'. You must absolutely speak
all the modern Languages, as purely and correctly as the natives of
the respective countries: for whoever does not speak a language
perfectly and easily, will never appear to advantage in
conversation, nor treat with others in it upon equal terms. As for
French, you have it very well already; and must necessarily, from
the universal usage of that language, know it better and better
every day: so that I am in no pain about that: German, I suppose,
you know pretty well by this time, and will be quite master of it
before you leave Leipsig: at least, I am sure you may. Italian and
Spanish will come in their turns, and, indeed, they are both so
easy, to one who knows Latin and French, that neither of them will
cost you much time or trouble. Modern history, by which I mean
particularly the history of the last three centuries, should be the
object of your greatest and constant attention, especially those
parts of it which relate more immediately to the great powers of
Europe. This study you will carefully connect with chronology and
geography; that is, you will remark and retain the dates of every
important event; and always read with the map by you, in which you
will constantly look for every place mentioned: this is the only
way of retaining geography; for, though it is soon learned by the
lump, yet, when only so learned, it is still sooner forgot.
Manners, though the last, and it may be the
least ingredient of real merit, are, however, very far from being
useless in its composition; they adorn, and give an additional
force and luster to both virtue and knowledge. They prepare and
smooth the way for the progress of both; and are, I fear, with the
bulk of mankind, more engaging than either. Remember, then, the
infinite advantage of manners; cultivate and improve your own to
the utmost good sense will suggest the great rules to you, good
company will do the rest. Thus you see how much you have to do; and
how little time to do it in: for when you are thrown out into the
world, as in a couple of years you must be, the unavoidable
dissipation of company, and the necessary avocations of some kind
of business or other, will leave you no time to undertake new
branches of knowledge: you may, indeed, by a prudent allotment of
your time, reserve some to complete and finish the building; but
you will never find enough to lay new foundations. I have such an
opinion of your understanding, that I am convinced you are sensible
of these truths; and that, however hard and laborious your present
uninterrupted application may seem to you, you will rather increase
than lessen it. For God's sake, my dear boy, do not squander away
one moment of your time, for every moment may be now most usefully
employed. Your future fortune, character, and figure in the world,
entirely depend upon your use or abuse of the two next years. If
you do but employ them well, what may you not reasonably expect to
be, in time? And if you do not, what may I not reasonably fear you
will be? You are the only one I ever knew, of this country, whose
education was, from the beginning, calculated for the department of
foreign affairs; in consequence of which, if you will invariably
pursue, and diligently qualify yourself for that object, you may
make yourself absolutely necessary to the government, and, after
having received orders as a minister abroad, send orders, in your
turn, as Secretary of State at home. Most of our ministers abroad
have taken up that department occasionally, without having ever
thought of foreign affairs before; many of them, without speaking
any one foreign language; and all of them without manners which are
absolutely necessary toward being well received, and making a
figure at foreign courts. They do the business accordingly, that
is, very ill: they never get into the secrets of these courts, for
want of insinuation and address: they do not guess at their views,
for want of knowing their interests: and, at last, finding
themselves very unfit for, soon grow weary of their commissions,
and are impatient to return home, where they are but too justly
laid aside and neglected. Every moment's conversation may, if you
please, be of use to you; in this view, every public event, which
is the common topic of conversation, gives you an opportunity of
getting some information. For example, the preliminaries of peace,
lately concluded at Aix-la-Chapelle, will be the common subject of
most conversations; in which you will take care to ask the proper
questions: as, what is the meaning of the Assiento contract for
negroes, between England and Spain; what the annual ship; when
stipulated; upon what account suspended, etc. You will likewise
inform yourself about Guastalla, now given to Don Philip, together
with Parma and Placentia; who they belonged to before; what claim
or pretensions Don Philip had to them; what they are worth; in
short, everything concerning them. The cessions made by the Queen
of Hungary to the King of Sardinia, are, by these preliminaries,
confirmed and secured to him: you will inquire, therefore, what
they are, and what they are worth. This is the kind of knowledge
which you should be most thoroughly master of, and in which
conversation will help you almost as much as books: but both are
best. There are histories of every considerable treaty, from that
of Westphalia to that of Utrecht, inclusively; all which I would
advise you to read. Pore Bougeant's, of the treaty of Westphalia,
is an excellent one; those of Nimeguen, Ryswick, and Utrecht, are
not so well written; but are, however, very useful. 'L'Histoire des
Traites de Paix', in two volumes, folio, which I recommended to you
some time ago, is a book that you should often consult, when you
hear mention made of any treaty concluded in the seventeenth
century.
Upon the whole, if you have a mind to be
considerable, and to shine hereafter, you must labor hard now. No
quickness of parts, no vivacity, will do long, or go far, without a
solid fund of knowledge; and that fund of knowledge will amply
repay all the pains that you can take in acquiring it. Reflect
seriously, within yourself, upon all this, and ask yourself whether
I can have any view, but your interest, in all that I recommend to
you. It is the result of my experience, and flows from that
tenderness and affection with which, while you deserve them, I
shall be, Yours.
Make my compliments to Mr. Harte, and tell
him that I have received his letter of the 24th, N. S.
LETTER
XLI
LONDON, May 31, O.
S. 1748
DEAR BOY: I have received, with great
satisfaction, your letter of the 28th N. S., from Dresden: it
finishes your short but clear account of the Reformation which is
one of those interesting periods of modern history, that can not be
too much studied nor too minutely known by you. There are many
great events in history, which, when once they are over, leave
things in the situation in which they found them. As, for instance,
the late war; which, excepting the establishment in Italy for Don
Philip, leave things pretty much in state quo; a mutual restitution
of all acquisitions being stipulated by the preliminaries of the
peace. Such events undoubtedly deserve your notice, but yet not so
minutely as those, which are not only important in themselves, but
equally (or it may be more) important by their consequences too: of
this latter sort were the progress of the Christian religion in
Europe; the Invasion of the Goths; the division of the Roman empire
into Western and Eastern; the establishment and rapid progress of
Mahometanism; and, lastly, the Reformation; all which events
produced the greatest changes in the affairs of Europe, and to one
or other of which, the present situation of all the parts of it is
to be traced up.
Next to these, are those events which more
immediately effect particular states and kingdoms, and which are
reckoned entirely local, though their influence may, and indeed
very often does, indirectly, extend itself further, such as civil
wars and revolutions, from which a total change in the form of
government frequently flows. The civil wars in England, in the
reign of King Charles I., produced an entire change of the
government here, from a limited monarchy to a commonwealth, at
first, and afterward to absolute power, usurped by Cromwell, under
the pretense of protection, and the title of Protector.
The Revolution in 1688, instead of changing,
preserved one form of government; which King James II. intended to
subvert, and establish absolute power in the Crown.
These are the two great epochs in our
English history, which I recommend to your particular
attention.
The league formed by the House of Guise, and
fomented by the artifices of Spain, is a most material part of the
history of France. The foundation of it was laid in the reign of
Henry II., but the superstructure was carried on through the
successive reigns of Francis II., Charles IX. and Henry III., till
at last it was crushed, partly, by the arms, but more by the
apostasy of Henry IV.
In Germany, great events have been frequent,
by which the imperial dignity has always either gotten or lost; and
so it they have affected the constitution of the empire. The House
of Austria kept that dignity to itself for near two hundred years,
during which time it was always attempting extend its power, by
encroaching upon the rights and privileges of the other states of
the empire; till at the end of the bellum tricennale, the treaty of
Munster, of which France is guarantee, fixed the respective
claims.
Italy has been constantly torn to pieces,
from the time of the Goths, by the Popes and the Anti-popes,
severally supported by other great powers of Europe, more as their
interests than as their religion led them; by the pretensions also
of France, and the House of Austria, upon Naples, Sicily, and the
Milanese; not to mention the various lesser causes of squabbles
there, for the little states, such as Ferrara, Parma, Montserrat,
etc.
The Popes, till lately, have always taken a
considerable part, and had great influence in the affairs of
Europe; their excommunications, bulls, and indulgences, stood
instead of armies in the time of ignorance and bigotry; but now
that mankind is better informed, the spiritual authority of the
Pope is not only less regarded, but even despised by the Catholic
princes themselves; and his Holiness is actually little more than
Bishop of Rome, with large temporalities, which he is not likely to
keep longer than till the other greater powers in Italy shall find
their conveniency in taking them from him. Among the modern Popes,
Leo the Tenth, Alexander the Sixth, and Sextus Quintus, deserve
your particular notice; the first, among other things, for his own
learning and taste, and for his encouragement of the reviving arts
and sciences in Italy. Under his protection, the Greek and Latin
classics were most excellently translated into Italian; painting
flourished and arrived at its perfection; and sculpture came so
near the ancients, that the works of his time, both in marble and
bronze, are now called Antico-Moderno.
Alexander the Sixth, together with his
natural son Caesar Borgia, was famous for his wickedness, in which
he, and his son too, surpassed all imagination. Their lives are
well worth your reading. They were poisoned themselves by the
poisoned wine which they had prepared for others; the father died
of it, but Caesar recovered.
Sixtus the Fifth was the son of a swineherd,
and raised himself to the popedom by his abilities: he was a great
knave, but an able and singular one.
Here is history enough for to-day: you shall
have some more soon. Adieu.
LETTER
XLII
LONDON, June 21, O.
S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: Your very bad enunciation runs so
much in my head, and gives me such real concern, that it will be
the subject of this, and, I believe, of many more letters. I
congratulate both you and myself, that, was informed of it (as I
hope) in time to prevent it: and shall ever think myself, as
hereafter you will, I am sure think yourself, infinitely obliged to
Sir Charles Williams for informing me of it. Good God! if this
ungraceful and disagreeable manner of speaking had, either by your
negligence or mine, become habitual to you, as in a couple of years
more it would have been, what a figure would you have made in
company, or in a public assembly? Who would have liked you in the
one or attended you; in the other? Read what Cicero and Quintilian
say of enunciation, and see what a stress they lay upon the
gracefulness of it; nay, Cicero goes further, and even maintains,
that a good figure is necessary for an orator; and particularly
that he must not be vastus, that is, overgrown and clumsy. He shows
by it that he knew mankind well, and knew the powers of an
agreeable figure and a graceful, manner. Men, as well as women, are
much oftener led by their hearts than by their understandings. The
way to the heart is through the senses; please their eyes and their
ears and the work is half done. I have frequently known a man's
fortune decided for ever by his first address. If it is pleasing,
people are hurried involuntarily into a persuasion that he has a
merit, which possibly he has not; as, on the other hand, if it is
ungraceful, they are immediately prejudiced against him, and
unwilling to allow him the merit which it may be he has. Nor is
this sentiment so unjust and unreasonable as at first it may seem;
for if a man has parts, he must know of what infinite consequence
it is to him to have a graceful manner of speaking, and a genteel
and pleasing address; he will cultivate and improve them to the
utmost. Your figure is a good one; you have no natural defect in
the organs of speech; your address may be engaging, and your manner
of speaking graceful, if you will; so that if you are not so,
neither I nor the world can ascribe it to anything but your want of
parts. What is the constant and just observation as to all actors
upon the stage? Is it not, that those who have the best sense,
always speak the best, though they may happen not to have the best
voices? They will speak plainly, distinctly, and with the proper
emphasis, be their voices ever so bad. Had Roscius spoken QUICK,
THICK, and UNGRACEFULLY, I will answer for it, that Cicero would
not have thought him worth the oration which he made in his favor.
Words were given us to communicate our ideas by: and there must be
something inconceivably absurd in uttering them in such a manner as
that either people cannot understand them, or will not desire to
understand them. I tell you, truly and sincerely, that I shall
judge of your parts by your speaking gracefully or ungracefully. If
you have parts, you will never be at rest till you have brought
yourself to a habit of speaking most gracefully; for I aver, that
it is in your power -You will desire Mr. Harte, that you may read
aloud to him every day; and that he will interrupt and correct you
every time that you read too fast, do not observe the proper stops,
or lay a wrong emphasis. You will take care to open your teeth when
you speak; to articulate every word distinctly; and to beg of Mr.
Harte, Mr. Eliot, or whomsoever you speak to, to remind and stop
you, if you ever fall into the rapid and unintelligible mutter. You
will even read aloud to yourself, and time your utterance to your
own ear; and read at first much slower than you need to do, in
order to correct yourself of that shameful trick of speaking faster
than you ought. In short, if you think right, you will make it your
business; your study, and your pleasure to speak well. Therefore,
what I have said in this, and in my last, is more than sufficient,
if you have sense; and ten times more would not be sufficient, if
you have not; so here I rest it.
Next to graceful speaking, a genteel
carriage, and a graceful manner of presenting yourself, are
extremely necessary, for they are extremely engaging: and
carelessness in these points is much more unpardonable in a young
fellow than affectation. It shows an offensive indifference about
pleasing. I am told by one here, who has seen you lately, that you
are awkward in your motions, and negligent of your person: I am
sorry for both; and so will you be, when it will be too late, if
you continue so some time longer. Awkwardness of carriage is very
alienating; and a total negligence of dress and air is an
impertinent insult upon custom and fashion. You remember Mr.---very
well, I am sure, and you must consequently remember his, extreme
awkwardness: which, I can assure you, has been a great clog to his
parts and merit, that have, with much difficulty, but barely
counterbalanced it at last. Many, to whom I have formerly commended
him, have answered me, that they were sure he could not have parts,
because he was so awkward: so much are people, as I observed to you
before, taken by the eye. Women have great influence as to a man's
fashionable character; and an awkward man will never have their
votes; which, by the way, are very numerous, and much oftener
counted than weighed. You should therefore give some attention to
your dress, and the gracefulness of your motions. I believe,
indeed, that you have no perfect model for either at Leipsig, to
form yourself upon; but, however, do not get a habit of neglecting
either; and attend properly to both, when you go to courts, where
they are very necessary, and where you will have good masters and
good models for both. Your exercises of riding, fencing, and
dancing, will civilize and fashion your body and your limbs, and
give you, if you will but take it, 'l'air d'un honnete
homme'.
I will now conclude with suggesting one
reflection to you; which is, that you should be sensible of your
good fortune, in having one who interests himself enough in you, to
inquire into your faults, in order to inform you of them. Nobody
but myself would be so solicitous, either to know or correct them;
so that you might consequently be ignorant of them yourself; for
our own self-love draws a thick veil between us and our faults. But
when you hear yours from me, you may be sure that you hear them
from one who for your sake only desires to correct them; from one
whom you cannot suspect of any, partiality but in your favor; and
from one who heartily wishes that his care of you, as a father,
may, in a little time, render every care unnecessary but that of a
friend. Adieu.
P. S. I condole with you for the untimely
and violent death of the tuneful Matzel.
LETTER
XLIII
LONDON, July 1, O.
S. 1748.
DEAR Boy: I am extremely well pleased with
the course of studies which Mr. Harte informs me you are now in,
and with the degree of application which he assures me you have to
them. It is your interest to do so, as the advantage will be all
your own. My affection for you makes me both wish and endeavor that
you may turn out well; and, according as you do turn out, I shall
either be proud or ashamed of you. But as to mere interest, in the
common acceptation of that word, it would be mine that you should
turn out ill; for you may depend upon it, that whatever you have
from me shall be most exactly proportioned to your desert. Deserve
a great deal, and you shall have a great deal; deserve a little,
and you shall have but a little; and be good for nothing at all,
and, I assure you, you shall have nothing at all.
Solid knowledge, as I have often told you,
is the first and great foundation of your future fortune and
character; for I never mention to you the two much greater points
of Religion and Morality, because I cannot possibly suspect you as
to either of them. This solid knowledge you are in a fair way of
acquiring; you may, if you please; and I will add, that nobody ever
had the means of acquiring it more in their power than you have.
But remember, that manners must adorn knowledge, and smooth its way
through the world. Like a great rough diamond, it may do very well
in a closet by way of curiosity, and also for its intrinsic value;
but it will never be worn or shine if it is not polished. It is
upon this article, I confess, that I suspect you the most, which
makes me recur to it so often; for I fear that you are apt to show
too little attention to everybody, and too much contempt to many.
Be convinced, that there are no persons so insignificant and
inconsiderable, but may, some time or other, have it in their power
to be of use to you; which they certainly will not, if you have
once shown them contempt. Wrongs are often forgiven; but contempt
never is. Our pride remembers it forever. It implies a discovery of
weaknesses, which we are much more careful to conceal than crimes.
Many a man will confess his crimes to a common friend, but I never
knew a man who would tell his silly weaknesses to his most intimate
one-as many a friend will tell us our faults without reserve, who
will not so much as hint at our follies; that discovery is too
mortifying to our self-love, either to tell another, or to be told
of one's self. You must, therefore, never expect to hear of your
weaknesses, or your follies, from anybody but me; those I will take
pains to discover, and whenever I do, shall tell you of them.
Next to manners are exterior graces of
person and address, which adorn manners, as manners adorn
knowledge. To say that they please, engage, and charm, as they most
indisputably do, is saying that one should do everything possible
to acquire them. The graceful manner of speaking is, particularly,
what I shall always holloa in your ears, as Hotspur holloaed
MORTIMER to Henry IV., and, like him too, I have aimed to have a
starling taught to say, SPEAK DISTINCTLY AND GRACEFULLY, and send
him you, to replace your loss of the unfortunate Matzel, who, by
the way, I am told, spoke his language very distinctly and
gracefully.
As by this time you must be able to write
German tolerably well, I desire that you will not fail to write a
German letter, in the German character, once every fortnight, to
Mr. Grevenkop: which will make it more familiar to you, and enable
me to judge how you improve in it.
Do not forget to answer me the questions,
which I asked you a great while ago, in relation to the
constitution of Saxony; and also the meaning of the words
'Landsassii and Amptsassii'.
I hope you do not forget to inquire into the
affairs of trade and commerce, nor to get the best accounts you can
of the commodities and manufactures, exports and imports of the
several countries where you may be, and their gross value.
I would likewise have you attend to the
respective coins, gold, silver, copper, etc., and their value,
compared with our coin's; for which purpose I would advise you to
put up, in a separate piece of paper, one piece of every kind,
wherever you shall be, writing upon it the name and the value. Such
a collection will be curious enough in itself; and that sort of
knowledge will be very useful to you in your way of business, where
the different value of money often comes in question.
I am doing to Cheltenham to-morrow, less for
my health; which is pretty good, than for the dissipation and
amusement of the journey. I shall stay about a fortnight.
L'Abbe Mably's 'Droit de l'Europe', which
Mr. Harte is so kind as to send me, is worth your reading.
Adieu.
LETTER
XLIV.
CHELTENHAM, July 6,
O. S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: Your school-fellow, Lord
Pulteney,-[Only child of the Right Hon. William Pulteney, Earl of
Bath. He died before his father.]-set out last week for Holland,
and will, I believe, be at Leipsig soon after this letter: you will
take care to be extremely civil to him, and to do him any service
that you can while you stay there; let him know that I wrote to you
to do so. As being older, he should know more than you; in that
case, take pains to get up to him; but if he does not, take care
not to let him feel his inferiority. He will find it out of himself
without your endeavors; and that cannot be helped: but nothing is
more insulting, more mortifying and less forgiven, than avowedly to
take pains to make a man feel a mortifying inferiority in
knowledge, rank, fortune, etc. In the two last articles, it is
unjust, they not being in his power: and in the first it is both
ill-bred and ill-natured. Good-breeding, and good-nature, do
incline us rather to raise and help people up to ourselves, than to
mortify and depress them, and, in truth, our own private interest
concurs in it, as it is making ourselves so many friends, instead
of so many enemies. The constant practice of what the French call
'les Attentions', is a most necessary ingredient in the art of
pleasing; they flatter the self-love of those to whom they are
shown; they engage, they captivate, more than things of much
greater importance. The duties of social life every man is obliged
to discharge; but these attentions are voluntary acts, the
free-will offerings of good-breeding and good nature; they are
received, remembered, and returned as such. Women, particularly,
have a right to them; and any omission in that respect is downright
ill-breeding.
Do you employ your whole time in the most
useful manner? I do not mean, do you study all day long? nor do I
require it. But I mean, do you make the most of the respective
allotments of your time? While you study, is it with attention?
When you divert yourself, is it with spirit? Your diversions may,
if you please, employ some part of your time very usefully. It
depends entirely upon the nature of them. If they are futile and
frivolous it is time worse than lost, for they will give you an
habit of futility. All gaming, field-sports, and such sort of
amusements, where neither the understanding nor the senses have the
least share, I look upon as frivolous, and as the resources of
little minds, who either do not think, or do not love to think. But
the pleasures of a man of parts either flatter the senses or
improve the mind; I hope at least, that there is not one minute of
the day in which you do nothing at all. Inaction at your age is
unpardonable.
Tell me what Greek and Latin books you can
now read with ease. Can you open Demosthenes at a venture, and
understand him? Can you get through an "Oration" of Cicero, or a
"Satire" of Horace, without difficulty? What German books do you
read, to make yourself master of that language? And what French
books do you read for your amusement? Pray give me a particular and
true account of all this; for I am not indifferent as to any one
thing that relates to you. As, for example, I hope you take great
care to keep your whole person, particularly your mouth, very
clean; common decency requires it, besides that great cleanliness
is very conducive to health. But if you do not keep your mouth
excessively clean, by washing it carefully every morning, and after
every meal, it will not only be apt to smell, which is very
disgusting and indecent, but your teeth will decay and ache, which
is both a great loss and a great pain. A spruceness of dress is
also very proper and becoming at your age; as the negligence of it
implies an indifference about pleasing, which does not become a
young fellow. To do whatever you do at all to the utmost
perfection, ought to be your aim at this time of your life; if you
can reach perfection, so much the better; but at least, by
attempting it, you will get much nearer than if you never attempted
it at all.
Adieu! SPEAK GRACEFULLY AND DISTINCTLY if
you intend to converse ever with, Yours.
P. S. As I was making up my letter, I
received yours of the 6th, O. S. I like your dissertation upon
Preliminary Articles and Truces. Your definitions of both are true.
Those are matters which I would have you be master of; they belong
to your future department, But remember too, that they are matters
upon which you will much oftener have occasion to speak than to
write; and that, consequently, it is full as necessary to speak
gracefully and distinctly upon them as to write clearly and
elegantly. I find no authority among the ancients, nor indeed among
the moderns, for indistinct and unintelligible utterance. The
Oracles indeed meant to be obscure; but then it was by the
ambiguity of the expression, and not by the inarticulation of the
words. For if people had not thought, at least, they understood
them, they would neither have frequented nor presented them as they
did. There was likewise among the ancients, and is still among the
moderns, a sort of people called Ventriloqui, who speak from their
bellies, on make the voice seem to come from some other part of the
room than that where they are. But these Ventriloqui speak very
distinctly and intelligibly. The only thing, then, that I can find
like a precedent for your way of speaking (and I would willingly
help you to one if I could) is the modern art 'de persifler',
practiced with great success by the 'Petits maitres' at Paris. This
noble art consists in picking out some grave, serious man, who
neither understands nor expects, raillery, and talking to him very
quick, and inarticulate sounds; while the man, who thinks that he
did not hear well; or attend sufficiently, says, 'Monsieur? or
'Plait-il'? a hundred times; which affords matter of much mirth to
those ingenious gentlemen. Whether you would follow, this
precedent, I submit to you.
Have you carried no English or French
comedies of tragedies with you to Leipsig? If you have, I insist
upon your reciting some passages of them every day to Mr. Harte in
the most distinct and graceful manner, as if you were acting them
upon a stage.
The first part of my letter is more than an
answer to your questions concerning Lord Pulteney.
LETTER
XLV
LONDON, July, 20,
O. S. 1748
DEAR BOY: There are two sorts of
understandings; one of which hinders a man from ever being
considerable, and the other commonly makes him ridiculous; I mean
the lazy mind, and the trifling, frivolous mind: Yours, I hope, is
neither. The lazy mind will not take the trouble of going to the
bottom of anything; but, discouraged by the first difficulties (and
everything worth knowing or having is attained with some), stops
short, contents, itself with easy, and consequently superficial
knowledge, and prefers a great degree of ignorance to a small
degree of trouble. These people either think, or represent most
things as impossible; whereas, few things are so to industry and
activity. But difficulties seem to them, impossibilities, or at
least they pretend to think them so-by way of excuse for their
laziness. An hour's attention to the same subject is too laborious
for them; they take everything in the light in which it first
presents itself; never consider, it in all its different views;
and, in short, never think it through. The consequence of this is
that when they come to speak upon these subjects, before people who
have considered them with attention; they only discover their own
ignorance and laziness, and lay themselves open to answers that put
them in confusion. Do not then be discouraged by the first
difficulties, but 'contra audentior ito'; and resolve to go to the
bottom of all those things which every gentleman ought to know
well. Those arts or sciences which are peculiar to certain
professions, need not be deeply known by those who are not intended
for those professions. As, for instance; fortification and
navigation; of both which, a superficial and general knowledge,
such as the common course of conversation, with a very little
inquiry on your part, will give you, is sufficient. Though, by the
way, a little more knowledge of fortification may be of some use to
you; as the events of war, in sieges, make many of the terms, of
that science occur frequently in common conversation; and one would
be sorry to say, like the Marquis de Mascarille in Moliere's
'Precieuses Ridicules', when he hears of 'une demie lune, Ma foi!
c'etoit bien une lune toute entiere'. But those things which every
gentleman, independently of profession, should know, he ought to
know well, and dive into all the depth of them. Such are languages,
history, and geography ancient and modern, philosophy, rational
logic; rhetoric; and, for you particularly, the constitutions and
the civil and military state of every country in Europe: This, I
confess; is a pretty large circle of knowledge, attended with some
difficulties, and requiring some trouble; which, however; an active
and industrious mind will overcome; and be amply repaid. The
trifling and frivolous mind is always busied, but to little
purpose; it takes little objects for great ones, and throws away
upon trifles that time and attention which only important things
deserve. Knick-knacks; butterflies; shells, insects, etc., are the
subjects of their most serious researches. They contemplate the
dress, not the characters of the company they keep. They attend
more to the decorations of a play than the sense of it; and to the
ceremonies of a court more than to its politics. Such an employment
of time is an absolute loss of it. You have now, at most, three
years to employ either well or ill; for, as I have often told you,
you will be all your life what you shall be three years hence. For
God's sake then reflect. Will you throw this time away either in
laziness, or in trifles? Or will you not rather employ every moment
of it in a manner that must so soon reward you with so much
pleasure, figure, and character? I cannot, I will not doubt of your
choice. Read only useful books; and never quit a subject till you
are thoroughly master of it, but read and inquire on till then.
When you are in company, bring the conversation to some useful
subject, but 'a portee' of that company. Points of history, matters
of literature, the customs of particular countries, the several
orders of knighthood, as Teutonic, Maltese, etc., are surely better
subjects of conversation, than the weather, dress, or fiddle-faddle
stories, that carry no information along with them. The characters
of kings and great men are only to be learned in conversation; for
they are never fairly written during their lives. This, therefore,
is an entertaining and instructive subject of conversation, and
will likewise give you an opportunity of observing how very
differently characters are given, from the different passions and
views of those who give them. Never be ashamed nor afraid of asking
questions: for if they lead to information, and if you accompany
them with some excuse, you will never be reckoned an impertinent or
rude questioner. All those things, in the common course of life,
depend entirely upon the manner; and, in that respect, the vulgar
saying is true, 'That one man can better steal a horse, than
another look over the hedge.' There are few things that may not be
said, in some manner or other; either in a seeming confidence, or a
genteel irony, or introduced with wit; and one great part of the
knowledge of the world consists in knowing when and where to make
use of these different manners. The graces of the person, the
countenance, and the way of speaking, contribute so much to this,
that I am convinced, the very same thing, said by a genteel person
in an engaging way, and GRACEFULLY and distinctly spoken, would
please, which would shock, if MUTTERED out by an awkward figure,
with a sullen, serious countenance. The poets always represent
Venus as attended by the three Graces, to intimate that even beauty
will not do without: I think they should have given Minerva three
also; for without them, I am sure learning is very unattractive.
Invoke them, then, DISTINCTLY, to accompany all your words and
motions. Adieu.
P. S. Since I wrote what goes before, I have
received your letter, OF NO DATE, with the inclosed state of the
Prussian forces: of which, I hope, you have kept a copy; this you
should lay in a 'portefeuille', and add to it all the military
establishments that you can get of other states and kingdoms: the
Saxon establishment you may, doubtless, easily find. By the way, do
not forget to send me answers to the questions which I sent you
some time ago, concerning both the civil and the ecclesiastical
affairs of Saxony.
Do not mistake me, and think I only mean
that you should speak elegantly with regard to style, and the
purity of language; but I mean, that you should deliver and
pronounce what you say gracefully and distinctly; for which purpose
I will have you frequently read very loud, to Mr. Harte, recite
parts of orations, and speak passages of plays; for, without a
graceful and pleasing enunciation, all your elegancy of style, in
speaking, is not worth one farthing.
I am very glad that Mr. Lyttelton approves
of my new house, and particularly of my CANONICAL-[James Brydges,
duke of Chandos, built a most magnificent and elegant house at
CANNONS, about eight miles from London. It was superbly furnished
with fine pictures, statues, etc., which, after his death, were
sold, by auction. Lord Chesterfield purchased the hall-pillars, the
floor; and staircase with double flights; which are now in
Chesterfield House, London.]-pillars. My bust of Cicero is a very
fine one, and well preserved; it will have the best place in my
library, unless at your return you bring me over as good a modern
head of your own, which I should like still better. I can tell you,
that I shall examine it as attentively as ever antiquary did an old
one.
Make my compliments to Mr. Harte, at whose
recovery I rejoice.
LETTER
XLVI
LONDON, August 2,
O. S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: Duval the jeweler, is arrived, and
was with me three or four days ago. You will easily imagine that I
asked him a few questions concerning you; and I will give you the
satisfaction of knowing that, upon the whole, I was very well
pleased with the account he gave me. But, though he seemed to be
much in your interest, yet he fairly owned to me that your
utterance was rapid, thick, and ungraceful. I can add nothing to
what I have already said upon this subject; but I can and do repeat
the absolute necessity of speaking distinctly and gracefully, or
else of not speaking at all, and having recourse to signs. He tells
me that you are pretty fat for one of your age: this you should
attend to in a proper way; for if, while very young; you should
grow fat, it would be troublesome, unwholesome, and ungraceful; you
should therefore, when you have time, take very strong exercise,
and in your diet avoid fattening things. All malt liquors fatten,
or at least bloat; and I hope you do not deal much in them. I look
upon wine and water to be, in every respect; much wholesomer.
Duval says there is a great deal of very
good company at Madame Valentin's and at another lady's, I think
one Madame Ponce's, at Leipsig. Do you ever go to either of those
houses, at leisure times? It would not, in my mind, be amiss if you
did, and would give you a habit of ATTENTIONS; they are a tribute
which all women expect; and which all men, who would be well
received by them; must pay. And, whatever the mind may be, manners
at least are certainly improved by the company of women of
fashion.
I have formerly told you, that you should
inform yourself of the several orders, whether military or
religious, of the respective countries where you may be. The
Teutonic Order is the great Order of Germany, of which I send you
inclosed a short account. It may serve to suggest questions to you
for more particular inquiries as to the present state of it, of
which you ought to be minutely informed. The knights, at present,
make vows, of which they observe none, except it be that of not
marrying; and their only object now is, to arrive, by seniority, at
the Commanderies in their respective provinces; which are, many of
them, very lucrative. The Order of Malta is, by a very few years,
prior to the Teutonic, and owes its foundation to the same causes.
These' knights were first called Knights Hospitaliers of St. John
of Jerusalem, then Knights of Rhodes; and in the year 1530, Knights
of Malta, the Emperor Charles V. having granted them that island,
upon condition of their defending his island of Sicily against the
Turks, which they effectually did. L'Abbe de Vertot has written the
history of Malta, but it is the least valuable of all his works;
and moreover, too long for you to read. But there is a short
history, of all the military orders whatsoever, which I would
advise you to get, as there is also of all the religious orders;
both which are worth your having and consulting, whenever you meet
with any of them in your way; as, you will very frequently in
Catholic countries. For my own part, I find that I remember things
much better, when I recur, to my books for them, upon some
particular occasion, than by reading them 'tout de suite'. As, for
example, if I were to read the history of all the military or
religious orders, regularly one after another, the latter puts the
former out of my head; but when I read the history of any one, upon
account, of its having been the object of conversation or dispute,
I remember it much better. It is the same in geography, where,
looking for any particular place in the map, upon some particular
account, fixes it in one's memory forever. I hope you have worn out
your maps by frequent, use of that sort. Adieu.
A SHORT ACCOUNT OF
THE TEUTONIC ORDER
In the ages of ignorance, which is always
the mother of superstition, it was thought not only just, but
meritorious, to propagate religion by fire and sword, and to take
away the lives and properties of unbelievers. This enthusiasm
produced the several crusades, in the 11th, 12th, and following
centuries, the object of which was, to recover the Holy Land out
of, the hands of the Infidels, who, by the way, were the lawful
possessors. Many honest enthusiasts engaged in those crusades, from
a mistaken principle of religion, and from the pardons granted by
the Popes for all the sins of those pious adventurers; but many
more knaves adopted these holy wars, in hopes of conquest and
plunder. After Godfrey of Bouillon, at the head of these knaves and
fools, had taken Jerusalem, in the year 1099, Christians of various
nations remained in that city; among the rest, one good honest
German, that took particular care of his countrymen who came
thither in pilgrimages. He built a house for their reception, and
an hospital dedicated to the Virgin. This little establishment soon
became a great one, by the enthusiasm of many considerable people
who engaged in it, in order to drive the Saracens out of the Holy
Land. This society then began to take its first form; and its
members were called Marian Teutonic Knights. Marian, from their
chapel sacred to the Virgin Mary; Teutonic, from the German, or
Teuton, who was the author of it, and Knights from the wars which
they were to carry on against the Infidels.
These knights behaved themselves so bravely,
at first; that Duke Frederick of Swabia, who was general of the
German army in the Holy Land, sent, in the year 1191, to the
Emperor Henry VI. and Pope Celestine III. to desire that this brave
and charitable fraternity might be incorporated into a regular
order of knighthood; which was accordingly done, and rules and a
particular habit were given them. Forty knights, all of noble
families, were at first created by the King of Jerusalem and other
princes then in the army. The first grand master of this order was
Henry Wallpot, of a noble family upon the Rhine. This order soon
began to operate in Europe; drove all the Pagans out of Prussia,
and took possession of it. Soon after, they got Livonia and
Courland, and invaded even Russia, where they introduced the
Christian religion. In 1510, they elected Albert, Marquis of
Bradenburg, for their grand master, who, turning Protestant, soon
afterward took Prussia from the order, and kept it for himself,
with the consent of Sigismund, King of Poland, of whom it was to
hold. He then quitted his grand mastership and made himself
hereditary Duke of that country, which is thence called Ducal
Prussia. This order now consists of twelve provinces; viz.,
Alsatia, Austria, Coblentz, and Etsch, which are the four under the
Prussian jurisdiction; Franconia, Hesse, Biessen, Westphalia,
Lorraine, Thuringia, Saxony, and Utrecht, which eight are of the
German jurisdiction. The Dutch now possess all that the order had
in Utrecht. Every one of the provinces have their particular
Commanderies; and the most ancient of these Commandeurs is called
the Commandeur Provincial. These twelve Commandeurs are all
subordinate to the Grand Master of Germany as their chief, and have
the right of electing the grand master. The elector of Cologne is
at present 'Grand Maitre'.
This order, founded by mistaken Christian
zeal, upon the anti-Christian principles of violence and
persecution, soon grew strong by the weakness and ignorance of the
time; acquired unjustly great possessions, of which they justly
lost the greatest part by their ambition and cruelty, which made
them feared and hated by all their neighbors.
I have this moment received your letter of
the 4th, N. S., and have only time to tell you that I can by no
means agree to your cutting off your hair. I am very sure that your
headaches cannot proceed from thence. And as for the pimples upon
your head, they are only owing to the heat of the season, and
consequently will not last long. But your own hair is, at your age,
such an ornament, and a wig, however well made, such a disguise,
that I will upon no account whatsoever have you cut off your hair.
Nature did not give it to you for nothing, still less to cause you
the headache. Mr. Eliot's hair grew so ill and bushy, that he was
in the right to cut it off. But you have not the same reason.
LETTER
XLVII
LONDON, August 23,
O. S. 1748.
DEAR BOY: Your friend, Mr. Eliot, has dined
with me twice since I returned here, and I can say with truth that
while I had the seals, I never examined or sifted a state prisoner
with so much care and curiosity as I did him. Nay, I did more; for,
contrary to the laws of this country, I gave him in some manner,
the QUESTION ordinary and extraordinary; and I have infinite
pleasure in telling you that the rack which I put him to, did not
extort from him one single word that was not such as I wished to
hear of you. I heartily congratulate you upon such an advantageous
testimony, from so creditable a witness. 'Laudati a laudato viro',
is one of the greatest pleasures and honors a rational being can
have; may you long continue to deserve it! Your aversion to
drinking and your dislike to gaming, which Mr. Eliot assures me are
both very strong, give me, the greatest joy imaginable, for your
sake: as the former would ruin both your constitution and
understanding, and the latter your fortune and character. Mr. Harte
wrote me word some time ago, and Mr. Eliot confirms it now, that
you employ your pin money in a very different manner, from that in
which pin money is commonly lavished: not in gew-gaws and baubles,
but in buying good and useful books. This is an excellent symptom,
and gives me very good hopes. Go on thus, my dear boy, but for
these next two years, and I ask no more. You must then make such a
figure and such a fortune in the world as I wish you, and as I have
taken all these pains to enable you to do. After that time I allow
you to be as idle as ever you please; because I am sure that you
will not then please to be so at all. The ignorant and the weak are
only idle; but those who have once acquired a good stock of
knowledge, always desire to increase it. Knowledge is like power in
this respect, that those who have the most, are most desirous of
having more. It does not clog, by possession, but increases desire;
which is the case of very few pleasures.
Upon receiving this congratulatory letter,
and reading your own praises, I am sure that it must naturally
occur to you, how great a share of them you owe to Mr. Harte's care
and attention; and, consequently, that your regard and affection
for him must increase, if there be room for it, in proportion as
you reap, which you do daily, the fruits of his labors.
I must not, however, conceal from you that
there was one article in which your own witness, Mr. Eliot,
faltered; for, upon my questioning him home as to your manner of
speaking, he could not say that your utterance was either distinct
or graceful. I have already said so much to you upon this point
that I can add nothing. I will therefore only repeat this truth,
which is, that if you will not speak distinctly and graceful,
nobody will desire to hear you. I am glad to learn that Abbe
Mably's 'Droit Public de l'Europe' makes a part of your evening
amusements. It is a very useful book, and gives a clear deduction
of the affairs of Europe, from the treaty of Munster to this time.
Pray read it with attention, and with the proper maps; always
recurring to them for the several countries or towns yielded,
taken, or restored. Pyre Bougeant's third volume will give you the
best idea of the treaty of Munster, and open to you the several
views of the belligerent' and contracting parties, and there never
were greater than at that time. The House of Austria, in the war
immediately preceding that treaty, intended to make itself absolute
in the empire, and to overthrow the rights of the respective states
of it. The view of France was to weaken and dismember the House of
Austria to such a degree, as that it should no longer be a
counterbalance to that of Bourbon. Sweden wanted possessions on the
continent of Germany, not only to supply the necessities of its own
poor and barren country, but likewise to hold the balance in the
empire between the House of Austria and the States. The House of
Brandenburg wanted to aggrandize itself by pilfering in the fire;
changed sides occasionally, and made a good bargain at last; for I
think it got, at the peace, nine or ten bishoprics secularized. So
that we may date, from the treaty of Munster, the decline of the
House of Austria, the great power of the House of Bourbon, and the
aggrandizement of that of Bradenburg: which, I am much mistaken, if
it stops where it is now.
Make my compliments to Lord Pulteney, to
whom I would have you be not only attentive, but useful, by setting
him (in case he wants it) a good example of application and
temperance. I begin to believe that, as I shall be proud of you,
others will be proud too of imitating you: Those expectations of
mine seem now so well grounded, that my disappointment, and
consequently my anger, will be so much the greater if they fail;
but as things stand now, I am most affectionately and tenderly,
Yours.
LETTER
XLVIII
LONDON, August 30,
O. S. 1748
DEAR BOY: Your reflections upon the conduct
of France, from the treaty of Munster to this time, are very just;
and I am very glad to find, by them, that you not only read, but
that you think and reflect upon what you read. Many great readers
load their memories, without exercising their judgments; and make
lumber-rooms of their heads instead of furnishing them usefully;
facts are heaped upon facts without order or distinction, and may
justly be said to compose that
'---Rudis indigestaque moles
Quem dixere chaos'.
Go on, then, in the way of reading that you
are in; take nothing for granted, upon the bare authority of the
author; but weigh and consider, in your own mind, the probability
of the facts and the justness of the reflections. Consult different
authors upon the same facts, and form your opinion upon the greater
or lesser degree of probability arising from the whole, which, in
my mind, is the utmost stretch of historical faith; certainty (I
fear) not being to be found. When a historian pretends to give you
the causes and motives of events, compare those causes and motives
with the characters and interests of the parties concerned, and
judge for yourself whether they correspond or not. Consider whether
you cannot assign others more probable; and in that examination, do
not despise some very mean and trifling causes of the actions of
great men; for so various and inconsistent is human nature, so
strong and changeable are our passions, so fluctuating are our
wills, and so much are our minds influenced by the accidents of our
bodies that every man is more the man of the day, than a regular
consequential character. The best have something bad, and something
little; the worst have something good, and sometimes something
great; for I do not believe what Velleius Paterculus (for the sake
of saying a pretty thing) says of Scipio, 'Qui nihil non laudandum
aut fecit, aut dixit, aut sensit'. As for the reflections of
historians, with which they think it necessary to interlard their
histories, or at least to conclude their chapters (and which, in
the French histories, are always introduced with a 'tant il est
vrai', and in the English, SO TRUE IT IS), do not adopt them
implicitly upon the credit of the author, but analyze them
yourself, and judge whether they are true or not.
But to return to the politics of France,
from which I have digressed. You have certainly made one further
reflection, of an advantage which France has, over and above its
abilities in the cabinet and the skill of its negotiators, which is
(if I may use the expression) its SOLENESS, continuity of riches
and power within itself, and the nature of its government. Near
twenty millions of people, and the ordinary revenue of above
thirteen millions sterling a year, are at the absolute disposal of
the Crown. This is what no other power in Europe can say; so that
different powers must now unite to make a balance against France;
which union, though formed upon the principle of their common
interest, can never be so intimate as to compose a machine so
compact and simple as that of one great kingdom, directed by one
will, and moved by one interest. The Allied Powers (as we have
constantly seen) have, besides the common and declared object of
their alliance, some separate and concealed view to which they
often sacrifice the general one; which makes them, either directly
or indirectly, pull different ways. Thus, the design upon Toulon
failed in the year 1706, only from the secret view of the House of
Austria upon Naples: which made the Court of Vienna,
notwithstanding the representations of the other allies to the
contrary, send to Naples the 12,000 men that would have done the
business at Toulon. In this last war too, the same causes had the
same effects: the Queen of Hungary in secret thought of nothing but
recovering of Silesia, and what she had lost in Italy; and,
therefore, never sent half that quota which she promised, and we
paid for, into Flanders; but left that country to the maritime
powers to defend as they could. The King of Sardinia's real object
was Savona and all the Riviera di Ponente; for which reason he
concurred so lamely in the invasion of Provence, where the Queen of
Hungary, likewise, did not send one-third of the force stipulated,
engrossed as she was by her oblique views upon the plunder of
Genoa, and the recovery of Naples. Insomuch that the expedition
into Provence, which would have distressed France to the greatest
degree, and have caused a great detachment from their army in
Flanders, failed shamefully, for want of every one thing necessary
for its success. Suppose, therefore, any four or five powers who,
all together, shall be equal, or even a little superior, in riches
and strength to that one power against which they are united; the
advantage will still be greatly on the side of that single power,
because it is but one. The power and riches of Charles V. were, in
themselves, certainly superior to those of Frances I., and yet,
upon the whole, he was not an overmatch for him. Charles V.'s
dominions, great as they were, were scattered and remote from each
other; their constitutions different; wherever he did not reside,
disturbances arose; whereas the compactness of France made up the
difference in the strength. This obvious reflection convinced me of
the absurdity of the treaty of Hanover, in 1725, between France and
England, to which the Dutch afterward acceded; for it was made upon
the apprehensions, either real or pretended, that the marriage of
Don Carlos with the eldest archduchess, now Queen of Hungary, was
settled in the treaty of Vienna, of the same year, between Spain
and the late Emperor Charles VI., which marriage, those consummate
politicians said would revive in Europe the exorbitant power of
Charles V. I am sure, I heartily wish it had; as, in that case,
there had been, what there certainly is not now, one power in
Europe to counterbalance that of France; and then the maritime
powers would, in reality, have held the balance of Europe in their
hands. Even supposing that the Austrian power would then have been
an overmatch for that of France (which, by the way, is not clear),
the weight of the maritime powers, then thrown into the scale of
France, would infallibly have made the balance at least even. In
which case too, the moderate efforts of the maritime powers on the
side of France would have been sufficient; whereas now, they are
obliged to exhaust and beggar themselves; and that too
ineffectually, in hopes to support the shattered; beggared, and
insufficient House of Austria.
This has been a long political dissertation;
but I am informed that political subjects are your favorite ones;
which I am glad of, considering your destination. You do well to
get your materials all ready, before you begin your work. As you
buy and (I am told) read books of this kind, I will point out two
or three for your purchase and perusal; I am not sure that I have
not mentioned them before, but that is no matter, if you have not
got them. 'Memoires pour servir a l'Histoire du 17ieme Siecle', is
a most useful book for you to recur to for all the facts and
chronology of that country: it is in four volumes octavo, and very
correct and exact. If I do not mistake, I have formerly recommended
to you, 'Les Memoires du Cardinal de Retz'; however, if you have
not yet read them, pray do, and with the attention which they
deserve. You will there find the best account of a very interesting
period of the minority of Lewis XIV. The characters are drawn
short, but in a strong and masterly manner; and the political
reflections are the only just and practical ones that I ever saw in
print: they are well worth your transcribing. 'Le Commerce des
Anciens, par Monsieur Huet. Eveque d'Avranche', in one little
volume octavo, is worth your perusal, as commerce is a very
considerable part of political knowledge. I need not, I am sure,
suggest to you, when you read the course of commerce, either of the
ancients or of the moderns, to follow it upon your map; for there
is no other way of remembering geography correctly, but by looking
perpetually in the map for the places one reads of, even though one
knows before, pretty near, where they are.