Manila
This is not the most bike-friendly city in
the world—even though a lot of Southeast Asian towns swarm with
scooters, food delivery guys on motorcycles, and cyclo taxis. I
suppose I value the perspective I get from a bike, and the freedom,
more than I realize. I’m more addicted than I think. Well, I also
know that this city is relatively dense—unlike L.A. or Mexico
City—so though some things and certain far-flung neighborhoods
might be a bit of a trek, much of the flavor will be within reach
by bike. I can explore without an itinerary, though I do have
research and meetings prearranged.
Two quotes encapsulate for me why I came to Manila.
One is from James Hamilton-Paterson’s book America’s Boy,
one of the best accounts of the Marcos era: “There are moments when
it seems that the world’s affairs are transacted by dreamers. There
is a sadness here in the spectacle of nations, no less than
individuals, helping each other along with their delusions. What is
thought to be clear-sighted pragmatism may actually be shoring up a
regime’s ideology whose hidden purpose is itself nothing more than
to assuage the pain of a single person’s unhappy past.”
And this, from Imperial Grunts by Robert D.
Kaplan: “Just as the stirring poetry and novels of Rudyard Kipling
celebrated the work of British Imperialism . . . the American
artist Frederic Remington, in his bronze sculptures and oil
paintings, would do likewise for the conquest of the Wild West. . .
. ‘Welcome to Injun Country’ was the refrain I heard from the
[U.S.] troops from Colombia to the Philippines, including
Afghanistan and Iraq . . . the War on Terrorism was really about
taming the frontier.”
The first quote, for me, summarizes the Rosebud
view of historical (and contemporary events) while the second is
about the enduring power of mythology and potent image to justify,
well, whatever you want it to.
I arrived in Manila over the Christmas holidays in
2005 with a pretty specific agenda. A few years earlier I had been
reminded that the former first lady of the Philippines, Imelda
Marcos, was a habitué of discos during the late ’70s and early
’80s. This would have been the era of Studio 54, Regine’s,
Privilege, and Le Palace (in Paris) and other velvet-rope clubs.
This was also, um, the era of martial law and heavy censorship in
the Philippines. Being a fan of some of the club music of that time
I wondered if it might have supplied the sound track for a person
in power like Imelda. Could dance music be a vehicle through which
to tell a story like hers? A story of power, personal pain, love,
and social class? Was the lightness, effervescence, and headiness
inherent in that music—and the drugs that went along with
it—similar to the feeling one gets when one is in a powerful
position? And was there even a story to hang this idea on?
I also had another agenda, another reason for being
attracted to a project such as this—I wanted to see if there was a
way to tie a group of songs together besides the fact that they
happen to be on the same CD. I wondered, in this form, would songs
play off one another and receive some added weight from one
another? Why not, if the same characters recur now and again? In
this format, the listener would get some additional insights and
progress on the characters’ lives and feelings so songs would be
informed by other songs. Within a song cycle like this could songs
strung together become more than the sum of their parts?
I’d spent about a year reading and doing research
and I soon became attracted to what I saw as a story that perfectly
elucidated Hamilton-Paterson’s proposal that politics and history
are a kind of personal psychological spectacle. The Philippines is
an extremely class-conscious society, and Imelda, who grew up in an
unsuccessful branch of an important regional family, was, after her
mother died, raised by a servant, Estrella, who was only a little
older than she. Being that close to being socially accepted,
but not quite, Imelda had a pile of psychological baggage to lug
around from pretty early on. I saw part of a possible story being
about the initial closeness of these two women and their subsequent
estrangement, and also about Imelda’s “class struggle”—her need to
be accepted, and her working out that need in public on a grand
scale. The project would be about her conflation of fantasy,
personal pain, and politics, a combination that played itself out
in a tragic and dramatic way in the history of that era.
I contacted Fatboy Slim, the British DJ, to cowrite
songs that I felt would embody what these two women were feeling at
various points in this story and that, when appropriate, would
sound authentically clubby. Sometimes I used the women’s own
quotes, or texts from speeches or interviews, as a basis for the
lyric material, which was a new experience for me. It was
liberating to write almost exclusively from their point of view—and
sometimes even use their words. Not that I hadn’t written through
characters before, but having their own words available made it
easier to find truly unique and surprising phrases that I wouldn’t
have come up with on my own.
One of these quotes serves, for now, as the title
of this project: Here Lies Love. In a contemporary interview
done for the Ramona Diaz documentary Imelda, Mrs. Marcos is
quoted as wishing that her epitaph, what she wants written on her
tombstone, should not be her name, but the words here lies
love. In her view she has, in the words of a classic Filipino
song, “done it all for you.” The “you,” from her point of view,
being the Philippine people.
Tiny Doors
Once I had these songs—about twenty or so—written
and demoed, I thought it might be a good idea to see firsthand the
country and people I’d been reading about. Besides gathering some
more research and archival material—images, video, film, and
texts—I hoped that by going there I might catch and absorb some of
the Philippine ethos, sensibility, and awareness—by osmosis and
through conversations. I realized that this sequence was backward
and so I was half prepared to discover that my previous research
and assumptions might be all wrong, in which case I’d have to
revise everything or scrap the project. This trip maybe should have
taken place sooner, and I would soon find out if that was the
case.
I believe that politics is, besides being
pragmatic, social, and psychological, also an expression of a wider
surrounding context. That includes everything that might affect
what people feel and do—music, landscape, food, clothes, religion,
weather. Politics is a reflection of the streets, the smells, what
constitutes eroticism, and the routine of humdrum lives just as
much as it is a result of backroom deals, ideologies, and acts of
legislature. Sometimes this occurs in obvious ways. The Philippines
is a Catholic country with animist roots, spread out among
scattered islands the geographically isolated towns of which are
distant from the capital, Manila, and those factors all contribute.
Sometimes there are visual and other clues to things that influence
events—attitudes expressed and made visible via posture, body
language, humor. A visual and gestural language is by nature
untranslatable into words, but nevertheless indicative of attitudes
and even ideologies. I wanted to catch some of that, or at least as
much as I could.
Just as there are elements in our genes waiting for
chemical keys to allow for expression as a chicken liver or a human
heart, there might also be elements in a place that trigger
expression through politics, action, and culture. Much human
behavior is a manifestation of these keys being inserted and
turned—keys that open genetic, geographical, and cultural
doors—through which the latent tendencies pass.
I was given a few contacts in Manila by friends and
acquaintances in New York, and I asked a few of them if they
thought it would be crazy for me to bring a bicycle in order to get
around Manila. Some of them thought I was nuts or just plain
obsessive but a few said, “Why not? The streets are pretty crowded
and chaotic, but you could give it a try.” I packed up my folding
mountain bike and after a long flight I looked out the plane window
at Manila and the surrounding bay and wondered what I’d gotten
myself into.
Joel Torre, a local actor, generously meets me at
the airport and everyone says hi to him as we walk to the car
pickup area. We drive by Imelda’s Cultural Center on the way to the
hotel—a giant Lincoln Center-type edifice that Mrs. Marcos had
built on landfill. She wanted both to put the Philippines on the
world cultural map and to encourage local talent. And, especially
with the film and theater schools that she established, she
definitely accomplished the latter.
I’ve booked myself into the Aloha Hotel, a small
pink building facing the bay. Some friends in New York recommended
staying in Makati, the more upscale district of modern high-rises,
fancy hotels, and glass-walled shopping malls, but geographically
this less-chic area seemed closer to the historical and political
landmarks I’d been reading about.
Across from the hotel is an esplanade that borders
the bay. It is lined with kiosks, vendors, and outdoor bars and
cafés, some of which have either live or piped-in music.
Appropriately enough, as I unpack and assemble my bike in my hotel
room the disco beats from one of the cafés waft in through the
window. There’s no chance of taking a postflight nap with the music
booming, and since there are only a few more hours of daylight I
force myself to stay awake and get out and see something.
I must say, given that I’m filled with thoughts of
this project, the disco music is actually inspiring rather than
annoying—though I’m glad it doesn’t go on all night. A song with a
fairly radical synth playing a squealy pulse gives me some musical
ideas. A cover version of 50 Cent’s “In Da Club” is the last thing
I hear as I pedal along the esplanade toward the old city
center.
A Special Relationship
I pass more hotels, giant Chinese restaurants,
Rizal Park—where a lot of political demonstrations and rallies that
I read about took place in the ’80s—and the U.S. embassy, a heavily
fortified edifice that I initially mistake for a military base,
which in a way I guess it is. The special relationship between the
United States and the Philippines is immediately obvious. The
Philippines became a U.S. colony merely a year after the United
States gave assistance in the Philippine struggle for independence
against their former Spanish rulers. After ousting the Spanish the
helpful Yanks must have decided it was too good an opportunity to
walk away from, so, under a suspicious pretense, and with the
drum-beating help of the Hearst newspapers, the United States had
its first real colony—though not without a long, drawn-out war that
claimed at least one million lives. The Philippines only achieved
independence in 1946. They like to say their history was three
hundred years spent in a nunnery and one hundred years in
Hollywood, as a way of explaining the wacky cultural collisions and
attitudes that abound here.
Postindependence and post-World War II the United
States continued to maintain a number of massive military bases
just north of Manila. From here supply lines were established to
what would become the Vietnam War. From the United States’ point of
view, any politician who ran the Philippines had to be aware of
what side their bread was buttered on, so as a result there was
always a tight relationship between the two nations.
Emergent Architecture
Binondo is the area I end up biking to today.
Karaoke machines are everywhere. Right on the street! Even little
stalls in this funky old city center have them. This is a
neighborhood of winding streets and vendors, many with tiny
one-table emporiums. The traffic slows to a crawl here, or is
relegated to bikes and little trucks that bring supplies and goods
to the vendors. Regular traffic seems to avoid these areas, as the
narrow streets are too crowded with pedestrians and the overflow
from the stalls inevitably slows the movement of motor vehicles.
Here the custom-decorated jeepneys are the largest vehicles on the
streets and even they can only inch forward while attempting to
pick up passengers, but I can move faster than most of them on my
bike. This area is a great place for walking too—and for buying
fruits, vegetables, washcloths, bootleg CDs and DVDs, Christmas
gifts (at this time of year), fresh fish, medicines—anything that
can be displayed stacked in little piles on wooden tables. How many
kinds of things can be stacked in little pyramid piles? Pretty much
anything you can name. Here is one kind of common denominator in
the world of stuff.
Why is it that all third-world markets are
structurally more or less the same? I am reminded of similar ones
in Kuala Lum pur, Cartagena, Marrakech, Salvador, and Oaxaca. It’s
almost as if these markets were all designed by the same person the
world over, as they take very similar forms everywhere. The human
scale and the pleasant chaos must be part of an unconscious, though
thoroughly evolved, plan, as are the smells and the piles of refuse
here and there. One of the stall owners sweeps the rainwater and
mud out of the street with a broom. This is evidence to me of an
unwritten layout, a subconscious form, and an invisible map, which
extends even to an unwritten system of self-maintenance. I suppose
this recurring pattern and structure emerges because human scale
automatically self-regulates the manner in which similar goods are
best sold, how they are most efficiently displayed, and where. It
is as if some genetic architectural propensity exists in us, that
guides us, subtly and invisibly, as to how to best organize first a
kiosk, then a stall, and from there add incrementally as our innate
instincts guide us, until soon enough there exists a whole
marketplace and neighborhood. Some tiny part of our DNA tells us
how to make and maintain places like this in the same way that
genetic codes tell the body how to make an eye or a liver. That
architect who designed all those markets the world over is us.
Could it be that our genes tell us not just how to make ourselves
but how to make the built external world? I’m glad the whole city
hasn’t been malled, as some of the guidebooks claim.
Oddly enough one could say some of the same things
about the newer built-up areas of many big cities, where many of
the districts of condos, glass-walled offices, and chain stores
could have all been designed by the same person—a very different
person—who would by definition then be the most widely hired and
ubiquitous designer/architect in the world, despised by some, a
source of pride for a few, envied by others. I think with modern
shopping malls and glass office buildings there is a little more
conscious borrowing, ego display, and one upmanship at work than in
the pleasant hodgepodge typical of the stalls and tiny shops in
front of me.
Victor Gruen built the first mall in the
Minneapolis suburb of Edina in 1956, and one could argue that he
was more a conceptual developer than an architect. Malcolm
Gladwell, in a New Yorker article, says that Gruen didn’t
just invent the mall; he invented an archetype, as so many other
malls followed the exact same model as this first one. I would
agree that both the mall and the souk tap into some kind of meme
for social shopping that reproduces itself prolifically. A kind of
self-replicating architecture.
Along the bayside walk that I take back to my
hotel, there are outdoor restaurants, many of which feature cover
bands. As rumored, the bands are all surprisingly good—if by good
you mean amazingly faithful in their ability to reproduce
well-known songs. Close your eyes and it’s Seals and Crofts, or
Neil Young, with an ever-so-slight accent. The singing and playing
is uniformly competent and professional, though of course
completely unoriginal, which is by design. One man sings on a
little stage with two glowing plastic Santas on either side of him.
I wonder to myself if I should consider using one of these bands or
these singers for a live band for Here Lies Love?
Sol’s History Lesson
I wash up and then bike to an apartment building a
few blocks away where I meet up with a group of people I’d
previously contacted via e-mail. They’re all arriving at film
director Anto nio “Butch” Perez’s apartment. Across the street from
Butch’s apartment is a former love hotel with a huge banner across
the entrance proclaiming, Closed for the Glory of God. I am told
the owner of a chain of love hotels, of which this is one, became
born again and decided, being newly devout, that he of course had
to close down his own establishments. Some of the other ones, I
hear, are still operating, so he still has an income. He may be
devout, but he’s not a fool.
Butch’s place is beautiful—a spacious loft
apartment with tropical Zen decor and windows at one end offering a
view over some tin roofs to the expanse of Manila Bay. “Not so many
years ago this was one of the quietest places in town,” he says,
“but now there are car stereos and burglar alarms, police klaxons
and sirens, open-air karaoke on the bayfront, and more scooter
traffic—the noise level is so much higher.” As a New Yorker I am
used to the noise so it doesn’t seem excessive to me.
I am joined by editor Jessica Zafra (her magazines
Flip and Manila Envelope, both in English, are
wonderful), poet and columnist Krip Yuson, photographer Neal
Oshima, restauranteuse Susan Roxas, performance artist Carlos
Celdran, adman David Guerrero . . . and eventually even more
filmmakers and writers wander in.
I describe the Here Lies Love project to
everyone as best I can, which isn’t saying much, as I wasn’t
prepared to make a pitch. The CD of demos I brought and especially
the compilation of rough edits of video footage done to the music
explain the concept much better than I am able to do verbally. The
videos especially are well received. They’re mostly edited from
stock and period news footage from the Philippines and elsewhere
cut to specific songs. Some of these folks view them intently, with
fascination, as if their own lives were being replayed, so theirs
is hardly an objective view. Painful memories, some of them.
Sol Vanzi joins us. She lives on the same floor.
She informally handles Imelda’s relations with local and
international media. (Imelda returned to Manila from Hawaiian exile
after Marcos died. She now lives in a nice apartment in Makati.)
Sol also runs a Web site that collates Philippine news: http://www.newsflash.org. She’s
sixty-one, she tells us, and she immediately sits down, cracks open
a can of beer, and launches into a tirade during which she disputes
all the conventional wisdom about the Marcos regime and Imelda. She
just naturally assumes (rightly, I suspect) that she’s not
addressing a group of Marcos loyalists. However, most of the others
here seem to know her, so her rant is mainly directed toward
me.
I would have assumed that the events at that
time—the era of martial law—would have split Philippine society
down the middle between the loyalists and the exiled and repressed.
But it seems that here everyone knows everyone else, and almost
always has, and everyone crosses paths often enough for a weird
tolerance to have developed. People I would have assumed to be
natural sworn enemies sit down to have a drink together. Things
here are not as simple as they were in my preconceived picture. I’m
glad I’m here.
Sol continues her monologue directed at me. She
says that she instructed a video cameraman to hide in the basement
of the palace when it was being overrun—this was minutes after the
Marcoses fled—with instructions to record the state of things as
they were the moment the family left. She claims that this video
proves that the various stories of half-eaten tubs of caviar and
other evidence of extravagant excess were “urban myths,” as she
referred to them. It is evidence that these things were planted—by
Cory Aquino and others in the opposition parties, or so she
claims.
She also claims that it was the Americans who most
likely killed Benigno Aquino when he returned to the Philippines to
challenge Marcos in 1983. (I thought Marcos said at the time that
it was the commies? Or that it was the insurgents, who were also
allied with the commies?) Sol pushes on, claiming that Imelda was
never poor as a child, which, to be fair, is a statement that could
be seen as being relative: Imelda certainly wasn’t as poor as the
people living in the shanties squeezed along the riverbanks in a
lot of Philippine towns.
But by all accounts she did live in a garage as a
child—with a car still in it—while the children of her father’s
first wife continued to live in the main house. Things went
downhill from there; for a while Imelda, her brother, sister, and
their servant and pal Estrella lived in a nipa hut—a shack made of
woven palm fronds. So, no, she maybe had had it better than many,
but for someone from an important local family she was relatively
poor. One could say more psychologically poor than economically, in
that she was ostracized by the more socially acceptable part of her
extended family.
Sol segues into a riff on how limited class
mobility is in the Philippines. How if you are from a provincial
town you are automatically handicapped, even if you are from a
“good” family in that town. (This mirrors Imelda’s situation.) Sol
implies, as do others, that it is almost impossible to rise above
your station, as your class will be revealed by your accent. Even
if that doesn’t give you away folks will probably ask you where
you’re from, and then the game’s over. Shades of the UK, where your
regional accent can limit your chances for success in some
fields.
What I am learning, despite all her endless
protesting and the refuting of claims that no one has even voiced,
is that things are not as black and white here as I, or many other
left-leaning Westerners, might prefer to think. The Marcos regime,
though corrupt from the start, was no more corrupt, at least at
first, than many others. Maybe even less, at the beginning. What
distinguished the couple in some ways was that they did actually
build clinics, highways, roads, bridges, cultural centers, and a
high school for the arts, as well as instigate a health plan and
many other programs that they promised in their campaigns. (That
high school of the arts produced many of the creative types who are
still active—friends of people in this room.) Similar programs had
been promised by other politicians every time election season came
around, but Marcos actually delivered. Ferdinand and Imelda were
therefore truly loved by many Filipinos—at least at the start of
their tenure—and, according to some, they continue to be loved in
the provinces even during their ouster, an event which somewhat
baffled the country folk. At one point (in the ’60s) the couple
intentionally modeled their image on that of the Kennedys—posing
for family snaps in Malacañang Palace wearing hand-tailored
versions of native dress and generally looking young and
glamorous—which they were. As was the case with the Kennedys in the
United States, the public loved it. So did the international media.
The Marcoses were featured in Time, Life, and publications
around the world—they were a very photogenic couple. Everyone
bought into the fantasy—just like the media bought into the Kennedy
myth, which was being created at around the same time.
Of course, beginning with Marcos’s 1969 reelection
campaign and then when martial law was declared in 1972 the scales
began to tip, and the chicanery, censorship, human-rights abuses,
murder, corruption, and lies eventually outweighed the love and
good works. Here lies love indeed—love was bulldozed under or sent
to a Swiss bank account. At first, when their power seemed more
secure just after a sweeping election victory or after martial law
was declared, it must have been irresistibly tempting to put that
entitlement to use—as politicians tend to do. They wouldn’t need to
do all that nasty, inconvenient, and time-wasting politicking
anymore. One could argue that power and entitlement made things
more efficient. But it seemed to me that soon enough the need to
hold on to that power took precedence over almost everything
else—as it usually does. The palace in the end became a miasma of
schemes, intrigues, paranoia, and backstabbing.
Flexibility
A book I read claims that Filipino politicians
don’t look on politics as a means to further their or their party’s
ideological goals but simply as a means to hold power. Sometimes a
politician will switch parties and ideologies, if he thinks he
stands a better chance of winning as a candidate from the other
side. Marcos made one of these moves early on in his career, and it
worked. While we in the United States might think of political
parties as entities with firm ideological platforms and more or
less consistent policies and agendas, here they seem to be more
like a temporary set of allegiances that can be remade at will. Of
course I began to ask myself if elsewhere things are much the same
as they are here, though most other places make more of a pretense
of ideological continuity. That might explain why people who I
thought should be sworn political enemies here can hang out
together.
Karaoke Nation
After Sol’s lecture a small group of us head out
for a meal at one of Joel’s two chicken restaurants. We drive to
one and a group of us seat ourselves around a little wooden picnic
table outdoors. The restaurant used to be simply a tiny counter, a
covered cooking area, and a few tables in back, but it has become
very popular—the chicken and the livers on a stick and the garlic
rice are all delicious. There is a covered area for eating too, but
the whole thing is more like a patio with a roof than an indoor
restaurant. The barbecues for cooking the birds are installed along
the nearby roadside. I guess since Joel seems to be a well-known
actor I was expecting a more pretentious place, but this is both
delicious and casual. There’s a smattering of all ages, races, and
types hanging out and chatting over their drinks and chicken. The
menu consists of essentially whatever you see being cooked in front
of you. If there were additional dishes available I didn’t see
evidence of them.
On the way back to the district where my hotel is,
Butch says he needs to stop at a karaoke bar to say Merry Christmas
to his production designer and erstwhile muse, Marta, who is now
“playing for the other team” and is there with her girlfriend. We
are led by an attendant down a buttery-yellow hallway past a series
of identical doors and the assistant opens one and there are four
of Butch’s friends singing to a TV screen. We order beers but
lamely fail to join in the singing festivities. Someone programs
“Burning Down the House,” maybe in hopes that I will sing, but I
just stare at the screen as a guy who looks like an ’80s Bon Jovi
poses with a guitar while a model house burns in an image
superimposed behind him. I guess I’m a bit of a party pooper, but
this did take me by surprise. Marta, exuberant and very pretty in
plaid pants, sings along with the song, though it seems my phrasing
on that song was a little tricky.
Some claim karaoke was invented here in 1975 as the
Sing Along System by a man named Roberto del Rosario. TVK/ Video
karaoke clubs are everywhere and come in all shapes and for all
incomes. Maybe it’s a way to allow everyone to sing. Even though I
was a party pooper at the karaoke club, I know from experience that
singing is therapeutic, and fun to do. They sing Western pop songs
here—and some Filipino pop songs too, many of which are sung in
English. For a Filipino, singing Western pop songs is not like
singing a foreign song. Western pop, especially U.S. pop, is such
an integrated part of Filipino culture that Filipinos feel it is
their own culture too. And it is, in a way. Who, or what nation,
can own the experience you have when you hear a song? There’s even
a karaoke TV channel. Endless cheap corny videos with music playing
and scrolling lyrics. You can stay at home and sing along with your
television. Like some kind of radical conceptual art piece—but
unlike conceptual art it’s super-popular.
Makati
The next day I bike up, or rather east and inland,
to Makati, the district where Imelda lives now. It’s an area of
high-rises, gated communities, and glitzy shopping malls—not really
typical of the Philippines, but a source of local pride. One of
these high-rise condominiums was taken over by a group of
disgruntled soldiers in 2004, but they were soon ousted.
Biking here in this upscale neighborhood is not
always easy—there are no bike lanes as there are along the bay
area, and the fumes from the jeepneys and tricycles (a motorcycle
with a sidecar that can hold maybe two passengers) are
overwhelming. Foreigners notice the jeepneys right away. How can
you not? They are super-colorful, freakish progeny of leftover U.S.
Army jeeps that have morphed, elongated, and mutated into a kind of
cheap, tricked-out form of public transport. Jeepney drivers adorn
their vehicles with names and sayings: Lovely, Mama-Cita, Metal
Mania, Pray For Our Way, Grandma’s Pet, Reconnaissance Patrol. This
one reads Simply the Best, no doubt quoting from the Tina Turner
song. There is a kind of jeepney wisdom.
The traffic sometimes devolves into borderline
gridlock, but mostly things move along with a chaotic grace, and I
of course make better time than most of these four- or even
three-wheeled vehicles.
The Philippines, for many Americans, is the land
where maids and nurses come from, and that’s about all they know
about it. I have to admit I’ve seen quite a lot of men and women in
medical attire. Filipinos are hopeful that Japan, for example,
might employ some of their highly trained medical personnel, but
the Japanese are notoriously uncomfortable dealing physically with
foreigners, and the idea of being touched by one, God forbid! The
Japanese instead prefer to develop robots to take care of their own
mundane housekeeping and medical needs. Racism as a spur to
technical innovation.
After riding around Makati, visiting a mall, and
getting lost in a gated community (a white man of a certain age on
a bike, like me, is naturally waved in by the security guards), I
head back toward the bay to explore the landfill area where Imelda
built many of her cultural projects, one of which—the Film
Center—now hosts an all-Korean cast doing an Egyptian themed drag
show. This large building is reportedly haunted, or cursed, as part
of it collapsed during the rushed nonstop construction that Madame
Marcos mandated, and it is rumored that some of the bodies are
still in the concrete, haunting anyone who visits. I am told that
Koreans don’t believe in ghosts, so that’s why their show is
running here.
The grand Cultural Center and the Folk Arts Center
are in this area as well, and those are still quite active. I visit
the Cultural Center one afternoon to pore over their photo and
video archives of the Marcos era. Surprisingly, there isn’t all
that much here—most of it is at the university archives now, or in
private hands. Who owns what footage seems unclear, which is
worrisome, because in a way photo, film, and video archives are
recent history. In many countries videotape that was used for news
reports was erased and reused over and over, to save money—which
means those outlets have no record of many events in the recent
past.
Mythmaking
The next day I ride my bike through a funky
shopping district (Quiapo) and then through San Miguel (a downtown
neighborhood where Imelda lived with her family for a while). I get
a tour of the Malacañang Palace—the Manila White House. I arrive a
little wet from perspiration, but the guard, after I am identified,
allows me to park my bike on the grounds behind a service building
and he gives me a minute to dry off and get myself composed before
beginning the tour.
Inside the palace I see the chair where in 1972
Marcos signed the declaration of martial law that suspended habeas
corpus, and allowed him to jail political opponents and censor the
press, keeping people in the dark for more than a decade—all in the
name of maintaining order and homeland security. On the walls are
numerous photos commemorating People Power, the mass movement that
resulted in the ouster of the Marcoses in 1986. There are images of
students giving flowers to soldiers, and lots of people wearing
yellow. Yellow, it turns out, was adopted as an opposition color
due to the pop song “Tie a Yellow Ribbon,” which was chosen and
sung in anticipation of the return of Benigno Aquino, Marcos’s only
serious rival, to the Philippines. Surreal, these pop-music
connections—who would imagine a link between Tony Orlando and Dawn
and a grassroots uprising that overthrew a dictator? It makes my
head spin. Unfortunately Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino was gunned down at
the airport as soon as he stepped from the plane . . . but Cory and
her supporters stuck with the yellow from then on.
The large central room is filled with glass cases
of memorabilia commemorating previous Philippine leaders—but there
is a glaring absence. All the leaders are represented except for
the Marcoses, who are relegated to a couple of (not insubstantial)
back rooms. Their absence could be seen as a lacuna, a hole, in
history, but these back rooms more than make up for it—they are
stuffed with commemorative dolls, clocks, and of course paintings,
many of them portraits that the couple commissioned
themselves.
Looming over me are two famous paintings in which
Ferdinand and Imelda had themselves depicted as the Ur couple of
the Philippines—the Adam and Eve of tribal Philippine mythology,
who, in the traditional legend, sprang from a piece of split
bamboo, the strong man and the beautiful woman.
The idea inherent in these paintings was that the
Marcoses were fulfilling destiny, facilitating a kind of rebirth
and renewal of Philippine identity—symbolized by their embodiment
of the primeval couple. To be fair, a rebirth did happen, to some
extent, and these paintings make explicit the couple’s wish to also
become part of the national mythology. The desire to find a slot
for oneself in the collective national psyche runs deep. George
Bush and Ronald Reagan were often photographed wearing western
clothes despite one being a New England WASP and the other a
Hollywood movie star. If a politician appears as a fighter pilot, a
cowboy, or as Adam or Eve, the attraction and potency of these
images are so powerful that we often respond as desired, even if we
know it’s an act.
Ilocos, Land of Disco Dreams
The next day I catch a plane to the area of the
country where Marcos hailed from, up at the northern end of the big
island, where many people still cherish his memory. His son, Bong
Bong (yes, his real name!), is now the governor of this province,
and Imee, one of his daughters, is the local congresswoman. In my
research it was said that this area, Ilocos Norte, is Philippine
cowboy country—it has a somewhat harsher climate than the more
tropical south, and disagreements were, and still are, often
settled with guns. I spy on my local map a neighborhood on the
outskirts of Laoag, the regional capital where I am staying. The
neighborhood is named Discolandia, which sounds like it might be
appropriate for my project, so I aim myself in that direction. I
wander through a neighborhood of houses, roaming chickens, little
bodegas. And then, just past the bus depot, sure enough, suddenly
there is a whole zone of clubs. It’s daytime, so there is no music
or activity at the moment, except in front of one club where I see
an older woman carefully painting a young girl’s toenails. The door
to another club is open so I ask if I can have a look. No
problem—an older woman escorts me in and hollers something as she
leads me farther and farther into the interior, which has a few
scattered chairs on the dance floor and some Christmas lights
dangling from the ceiling.
She brings me to a back room, which is fairly
large, and is filled with rude wooden bunk beds, most without
sheets. This is where the bar girls sleep and rest, I think to
myself. She hollers again, and then, from a room farther back
emerges an attractive girl in a red dress who immediately escorts
me back into the club room asking me, “What would you like? You
like girls?” Her face is painted white—as if she is in the middle
of a facial. I remember toenail girl had this white-face thing
going on as well. With her full red lips she looks like an erotic
clown.
I recall that the pharmacies in town are filled
with skin-whitening creams, and I’ve seen numerous TV ads for these
products as well. Four out of ten Southeast Asian women use
skin-whitening creams. In many countries a lighter complexion
implies wealth and class—manual laborers have darker skin from
working out in the sun. Odd that in North America and Europe a tan
has become desirable, maybe because it implies the reverse—that you
can afford to spend time in the sun instead of working.
But why is this girl asking me these questions?
Ohhhh, now I get it! Duh. These places are all whorehouses! Why
didn’t I notice all the signs reading No Condom—No Sex? And there’s
live music and karaoke (naturally) to bide the time while you’re
making up your mind. Here are some choices:
I walk on. I see a few girls lazing around, some
doing their washing by hand and some sitting and chatting over a
soda. Signs read Check Your Firearms at the Door.
Though I doubt these places regularly cater to
foreigners, the Philippines used to have a reputation as a popular
sex-tourism destination. I thought the epoch of underage sex for
foreigners here was over, but it seems not. There are at least two
Anglo geezers in my hotel sporting young Filipinas on their
arms—the girls seem to be around twenty, so maybe they’re not
underage. On my bike meanderings in Manila I’ve seen quite a few
more of these May/November couples—over there is Mr. Buster
Bloodvessel looking for love and farther down the street I spy the
Professor out for a naughty holiday. It seems this country is still
occasionally the place for a foreign man to get whatever it was he
never had, or get what he craved but was discouraged from indulging
in back home. Maybe here in this “western” town of Laoag one can
fulfill one’s lifelong dream. When it’s put that way it almost
sounds sweet.
I also spy some foreigners with local rent boys—one
overweight limping Yank with a southern accent has two! In a
restaurant he orders them around, “Salt, I need salt . . . and
pepper.” One of the boys dutifully goes and fetches the salt.
“Toast, is that toast over there?” One of the boys fetches him
three pieces of toast. He seems temporarily satisfied. One can see
the temptations of power at work—the more he senses he has power
the more he will flex it, to witness and enjoy it in action, to
feel the pleasure of command.
“Coffee and cigarettes,” he announces.
Then, “Coffee and cigarettes is my breakfast back
home.”
To be fair, not all western/Filipino relationships
are necessarily about power or sexual fantasy. A family in the
hotel restaurant here in Laoag is composed of an Australian man and
his attractive Filipina wife and their kids. He grumbles and grunts
in response to the kids’ entreaties while she texts someone on her
cell phone. Hardly a perfect relationship, but not obviously
predatory either.
It’s Christmas in Laoag, and in the Wild West kids
are carol ing on the streets just after the sun sets. I sing “Joy
to the World” along with one group, and then they look at me,
expecting money—and not just because I am a foreigner. As I wander
off I see them going from house to house, hoping for small handouts
. . . and that does not mean a hot chocolate.
I begin to take tricycles on short trips. This is
not a kiddie bike but a motorcycle with a driver and sidecar-type
thing attached. My bike has been left in Manila, as I want to make
longer day trips using Laoag as a base. A tricycle affords a
limited view, so they’re not so good for sightseeing, but they are
everywhere, and hailing one only takes about a minute. And they
look great.
Coupled with the ubiquitous jeepneys and the buses,
which only leave from designated depots and travel mostly
intercity, the tricycles make an incredibly efficient public
transport system in these smaller towns and villages. They have a
lot to recommend them except for the hideous pollution they
generate. New York has a pretty good public transport system, one
that rivals, say, Mexico City, though the New York subways are not
quite as clean. But this improvised Filipino network seems much
more user-friendly.
I continue by bus to Batac, a small town where
Marcos lies in state (supposedly it is his real body) in a
refrigerated glass casket that sinks into the floor when no one is
around.
The mausoleum has piped-in liturgical Mozart music,
creating a creepy haunted vibe, and in the air-conditioned chamber
there are a number of staffs on either side with sculpted metal
tops featuring icons that resemble weird Masonic symbols—crescent
moons, stars, spades, hammers, and some that are indecipherable.
The security guy can’t tell me what they all symbolize. The effect
is deeply mystical, mysterious, almost Egyptian. Marcos’s embalmed
body sure looks more like a wax-work than the real thing. The glass
coffin is bathed in an eerie blue light, and photos are strictly
prohibited. Rumor has it that the real body lies deeper
below, slowly decomposing and still denied burial among the other
former presidents by order of the present rulers.
Permanent Impermanence
I travel on to Vigan, a small town that was spared
the American carpet bombing at the end of World War II. Vigan is
now on the UN list of important world historical sites, so although
it’s not on my research agenda it’s close, so why not have a
look?
The center of town does indeed abound in the type
of old buildings of which only a few remain around Laoag and even
fewer in Manila. Mostly they are wooden structures that withstand
typhoons pretty well due to their flexibility, but that usually
require periodic upkeep because of the tropical dampness and the
termites that will destroy them after a number of years. Bit by
bit, part by part, houses like these will be renovated and every
wall and beam will be replaced. Impermanence is an accepted part of
life in the tropics. There’s a permanence embodied in the
continuity of patterns and relationships, but not in physical
buildings or things.
Here’s one outside the town center—beautiful
architecture made without architects:
The Rose of Tacloban
Imelda was born in a small town in the southern
island province of Leyte and spent a good part of her formative
years in Tacloban, the main city on that island. Even though she
was from the less successful side of this family, their connections
still counted for much. This Cinderella aspect of her past has been
self-whitewashed or tweaked quite a bit; the poverty and pain part
has been lessened, though she would sometimes refer to it in
passing, if it was necessary to make a point. Wish we all could
edit our lives so neatly. She often managed to deny the past and
work it simultaneously—denying her poverty yet claiming she was
once one of the poor people at the same time. Different pasts for
different occasions.
In later years she built a “shrine” here in
Tacloban, ostensibly to Santo Niño, the Christ child. The entrance
opens into a large chapel with a wild altarpiece—the child
floating, surrounded by disco lights. The shrine is mainly,
however, to herself. Jeepneys heading to this destination from
downtown Tacloban simply give “Imelda” as the direction on their
windshields. The shrine houses lots of her furniture collection,
but more important, she commissioned a series of lovely dioramas
depicting her life story—or her life story as she imagined
it.
Here is a nice one of her as a young girl at the
shore having a family outing with an image of Marcos looming in the
sky—her future husband awaiting their fateful meeting.
The rest of the “shrine” is structured as a series
of “bedrooms” and “dining rooms” (in quotes because none of them
were ever used for those purposes). They function more as regional
theme rooms that also each contain one of the above dioramas
detailing the Imelda myth. There are fifteen stations, or bedrooms,
of the cross.
Back at my hotel for lunch I hear “Climb Every
Mountain,” possibly the version by Tom Jones, on an endless
loop—for an hour! Climax after climax! Climbing that mountain over
and over. Occasionally I can hear other diners quietly singing
along to themselves.
Language as a Prison
The Philippines did have a written language before
the Spanish colonists arrived, contrary to what many of those
colonists subsequently claimed. However, it was a language that
some theorists believe was mainly used as a mnemonic device for
epic poems. There was simply no need for a European-style written
language in a decentralized land of small seaside fishing villages
that were largely self-sufficient.
One theory regarding language is that it is
primarily a useful tool born out of a need for control. In this
theory written language was needed once top-down administration of
small towns and villages came into being. Once there were bosses
there arose a need for written language. The rise of the great
metropolises of Ur and Babylon made a common written language an
absolute necessity—but it was only a tool for the administrators.
Administrators and rulers needed to keep records and know names—who
had rented which plot of land, how many crops did they sell, how
many fish did they catch, how many children do they have, how many
water buffalo? More important, how much then do they owe me? In
this account of the rise of written language, naming and accounting
seem to be language’s primary “civilizing” function. Language and
number are also handy for keeping track of the movement of heavenly
bodies, crop yields, and flood cycles. Naturally, a version of
local oral languages was eventually translated into symbols as
well, and nonadministra tive words, the words of epic oral poets,
sort of went along for the ride, according to this version.
What’s amazing to me is that if we accept this
idea, then what may have begun as an instrument of social and
economic control has now been internalized by us as a mark of being
civilized. As if being controlled were, by inference, seen as a
good thing, and to proudly wear the badge of this agent of
control—to be able to read and write—makes us better, superior,
more advanced. We have turned an object of our own oppression into
something we now think of as virtuous. Perfect! We accept written
language as something so essential to how we live and get along in
the world that we feel and recognize its presence as an exclusively
positive thing, a sign of enlightenment. We’ve come to love the
chains that bind us, that control us, for we believe that they
are us.
The Gentle People
In 1971 the discovery of a “Stone Age tribe” in a
remote area of the Philippines made worldwide news. National
Geographic ran a major piece on the gentle Tasaday, which
depicted their lives as Edenic. They were portrayed as a kind of Ur
people, without any of the hang-ups and baggage we carry with our
fucked-up civilized lives. Shangri La was discovered to exist and
it was in the Philippines.
The Marcoses in some ways were embarrassed that the
world was seeing Filipinos in such unsophisticated conditions (and
fifteen years later the discovery was claimed to be a fraud by the
media after the Marcoses’ departure). This reaction followed visits
by social scientists, journalists, and film documentarians whose
intrusions the government said were changing the Tasaday. So Marcos
restricted the area—no visitors could disrupt the Eden of the
Tasaday—except for a 1976 visit by Gina Lollobrigida for a book and
film, the sightseeing granddaughter of Spanish dictator Francisco
Franco, and working teams of medical doctors.
Charles Lindbergh visited for several days in 1971
and ’72, and his request to the government played a key part in the
declaration of the protected reserve for the Tasaday, which still
exists today.
Hamilton-Paterson called the Tasaday a clear-cut
hoax in his Marcos book, America’s Boy, but he retracted
this a few years later in an article in the London Review of
Books, realizing perhaps that in the Philippines things so
seldom are what they seem at first, even Edens, even hoaxes.
A man named John Nance, who has had many contacts
with the Tasaday, says that the claim of a hoax was the real hoax:
The Tasaday themselves are authentic, as was
concluded in 1987 by a four-month-long congressional open hearing/
investigation; by the 1988 separate investigation of new president
Corazon Aquino; and by the findings of eighteen social
scientists—anthropologists, archeologists, linguists,
ethnobotanists, and an ethnologist—made over twenty years of
research in the field. Not one anthropologist who claimed the
Tasaday were a hoax ever laid eyes on a single Tasaday. It has been
established by the Congress and President Aquino and others that
the hoax campaign was organized by loggers, miners, ranchers, local
politicians, and jealous neighboring tribes who wanted to obtain
the rich stands of timber and deposits of minerals on the Tasaday’s
ancestral homeland. Their campaign failed. Today, thirty-eight
years after the first contact, the Tasaday remain on the land that
still carries their name.
I see a sign on a building in Tacloban that reads:
The Fraternal Order of Utopia. A man zips by on a motorcycle with a
Santa hat wildly flapping.
Collective Narrative
One final, sexy fantasy image—Imelda as the
nurturing mother goddess, as both a great spirit and in her earthly
manifestations.
Though Ferdinand and Imelda’s conflation of
national mythology with their own lives to align it with their
political strivings was blatant, it’s also pretty obvious in the
staged contrivances and the carefully managed press of many other
governments. Sometimes we can only see ourselves once we step far
enough back to have some perspective. The “story” of the inevitable
triumph of democracy (and of messianic Christianity too) is a
powerful myth that is easily sold, a grand story that the media
often goes along with and accepts as right and good and as an a
priori assumption. Manifest destiny, the march of progress, and the
triumph of civilization are presumed to be common, universal
beliefs, at least until recently. Once “stories” like these are in
place, believed in, and accepted, one need only supply the
appropriate images, news stories, and anecdotes to continually
reinforce the myths and make them seem self-fulfilling and
indisputable.
Living “in” a story, being part of a narrative, is
much more satisfying than living without one. I don’t always know
what narrative it is, because I’m living my life and not always
reflecting on it, but as I edit these pages I am aware that I have
an urge to see my sometimes random wandering as having a plot, a
purpose guided by some underlying story. I imagine that if I could
step back and look at my life, I’d see that this series of meetings
and events wasn’t simply random, that it had to happen the way it
did. As history gets rewritten over and over and over again I begin
to imagine that our lives have so many possible narrative
threads—all existing simultaneously like parallel universes—that
the number of human histories is certainly infinite. Heroic,
tragic, boring, catastrophic, ridiculous, and beautiful. We all
live those stories, and often our narrative includes more than one
of them.