Buenos Aires
It’s the Paris of the south, they say—due
to its wide avenues, cafés, and nightlife. Avenida 9 de Julio is
the widest avenue in the world, so there you go Mr. Haussmann. If
the obelisk wasn’t plunked in the middle of this boulevard you
could land a 747 in the middle of the city.
Buenos Aires is far enough south to be in the
temperate zone, which separates this city, and Santiago, in Chile,
just across the Andes, from their tropical neighbors just to the
north. There are huge psychological separations too—the Argentines
tend to see themselves as more European, and by inference, as more
sophisticated, than their Brazilian neighbors. Naturally, ahem,
musicians and other creative types don’t carry this snobbish
attitude around, but in general it is felt and seen in the
architecture, cuisine, and clothing.
Though both southern Brazil and Argentina were
settled by successive waves of Italians and Germans, among others,
the Argentines probably deny that there are also African elements
that make up their culture, while in Brazil to the north those
elements are still strong and visible and the Brazilians are proud,
sometimes, of their African blood and culture. In Argentina the
Africans all but vanished, but in truth their influence remains,
camouflaged and denied, but intact.
Built on the floodplain of La Plata River, the city
is fairly flat, and with the temperate weather and the streets more
or less on a grid it is perfect for cycling around. Despite this I
could count on one hand the number of locals I saw on bikes. Why?
Would I inevitably find out the reason no one else was pedaling
around here? Was there some dark secret explanation about to pounce
on me? Am I a naive fool? Is it because the driving is so reckless,
the theft so rampant, the gas so cheap, and a car such a necessary
symbol of status? Is it so uncool to ride a bike here that even
messengers find other ways of getting around?
I don’t think it is any of those reasons. I think
the idea of cycling is simply off the radar here. The cycling meme
hasn’t been dropped into the mix, or it never took hold. I am
inclined to agree with Jared Diamond, who claims in his book
Collapse that people develop cultural affinities for certain
foods, ways of getting around, clothes, and habits of being that
become so ingrained that they will, in his telling, persist in
maintaining their habits even to the point of driving themselves
and sometimes their whole civilization to extinction. He gives a
lot of historical evidence—for example, an eleventh-century Norse
settlement in Greenland where the settlers persisted in farming
cattle, as impractical as it was there. The cuisine or habits of
the local Inuit were never adopted or adapted—their diet and ways
were just not culturally acceptable—and eventually the settlers all
died. This was not a quick settlement either—it lasted for over
four hundred years—long enough for them to convince themselves that
they were doing okay. Of course, in the era of total reliance on
fossil fuels and global warming, Diamond’s history lessons have a
scary resonance. So, while we would like to think that people can’t
really be so stupid as to wipe themselves out—with the means of
survival right in front of them—they can, and they certainly
do.
I’m not saying cycling is a matter of
survival—though it might be part of how we survive in the
future—but here in Buenos Aires it seems so much a commonsense way
of getting around that cultural abhorrence is the only explanation
I can come up with as to why there are no other cyclists on the
streets. My cycling is considered so unusual here that it is
newsworthy—it is written up in the local papers.
I mainly visit this city when I am performing,
though I arrange my schedule in order to have time to look around.
Over the years I have become slightly familiar with some of the
music and musicians here. They are some of my favorites in the
world, as is this city.
Talk Backward
In the morning I decide to bike out to Tierra
Santa (the Holy Land) in hopes of some photo opportunities. It’s a
theme park located close to the river out past the domestic airport
that advertises “a day in Jerusalem in Buenos Aires.” I find that
it is closed today, but from outside the gate I can see “Calvary”
with its three crosses poking out of the top of an artificial
desert hill. I won’t get the ironic shots I might have hoped for,
but the ride out was nice—from my hotel I passed through grand
parks filled with professional dog walkers (none had fewer than
five dogs) and then rode along a promenade that borders the river,
which is so wide here that you can’t see the opposite shore—one
would think it is a still ocean or a giant lake.
Fishermen lean on the railing. There are kiosks at
regular intervals that grill meats for truck drivers and others who
want a quick lunch. Bags of charcoal piled by the sides of the
kiosks will supply the heat to grill blood sausages, steaks,
hamburgers, and various other cuts of the legendary Argentine flesh
that sizzles during the early part of the day in anticipation of
the lunch crowd. Many of the kiosks advertise choripan, a
conjunction of chorizo (sausage) and pan (bread). There’s
another offering called vaciopan, which literally means
empty sandwich, but it also is a cut off the cow. This is not a
place for vegetarians.
The slang here, called lunfardo, is
many-layered and inventive. There’s even a genre of slang called
vesre when you reverse the syllables—vesre is
reves (reverse) with the syllables reversed. Tango
becomes gotán and café con leche becomes feca con
chele. Sometimes this is compounded and complicated even
further when a euphemism for something—a word for marijuana or
one’s wife—is pronounced backward, adding yet another layer of
obscurity to a slang that already approaches a separate
language.
Bobo
My lovely hotel in the Palermo district is named
after the book Bobos in Paradise, a humorous essay by the
North American writer David Brooks about the gentrification and
commercialization of bohemian culture, which makes it a confusing
name for this hotel, as it and this neighborhood are prime examples
of that process. The word also means “fool” in many languages. It
is as if the Tribeca Grand had a name that poked fun at the fact
that it’s located in a gentrified, arty neighborhood. This hotel is
located on Guatemala Street, between Jorge Luis Borges and Thames
streets—the street names alone say a lot about the cultural makeup
of this town, with its mixture of Latin American and European
references. It reminds me of how street and town names not only
commemorate dates and well-loved (by some) politicians (LaGuardia
Place and the FDR drive here in New York, 9 de Julio and Avenida de
Mayo here) but also express a conscious mythmaking and cultural
longing—a longing for connection, historical continuity, and
status. The hundreds of little U.S. towns named Paris or Madrid,
the cluster of historical Greek towns in upstate New York, the
New London, New Jersey, and New Orleans,
Venice Boulevard—how a people see themselves, or how previous
generations saw themselves, is embedded in these names. At a glance
one can sense how the past is perceived—what people wish their
history to be and what is intentionally omitted.
Mauro, who plays percussion with me, said, with a
disappointed tone, that he felt Santiago, where we were earlier on
this trip, was very much an “American” city (meaning North
American). I can see what he means: it’s pretty, it’s clean, and
there are lots and lots of glass office buildings and little of the
messy character, charm, or funk of Mauro’s native Brazil. Mauro
pointed out that Chile was one of the only countries that didn’t
have slavery. What he might have been implying was that it was the
Africans who give South American culture much of its character.
Being Brazilian, he would say that. Certainly much of the unique
music on this continent, and subsequently of many others these
days, is a hybrid of European, indigenous, and African styles. It
has been argued that even tango has some African in its family
tree. Though musical roots and influences are not so hard to hear,
at least to me, cultural influences extend in deeper and subtler
ways—in grammar and syntax, in humor, in attitudes toward the body
and sex—that are harder to tease apart from every other influence.
The past is part of the weave, but often we see mainly the overall
surface pattern.
Last night a small group of us were joined at
dinner by Ignacio Varchausky from the local tango Orquesta El
Arranque. He mentioned that numerous groups these days are trying
the tango/ electronic fusion, but to his mind none of them have
succeeded yet—not that he doesn’t think it’s a worthwhile goal.
Unlike lots of tangueros here, who tend to be fairly
protective and conservative, he and the other members of El
Arranque are open to col laborations and to new approaches, both
from that music’s past and from other foreign styles. Lately, the
band members have unearthed old (1940s) handwritten tango orchestra
arrangements, and some of them are surprisingly radical, he says.
The orchestrations became more smoothed out since then, more
conservative, and these older, wilder approaches were often swept
under history’s rug and forgotten. They’re in the middle of
completing a CD on which older tango masters, those who are still
living, join them and play with the younger guys. He says this is
unusual because tango is not a very collaborative or open
scene.
Later that night I run into Nito, a member of the
local band Los Autenticos Decadentes. They are a large band that
came up in the ’80s along with Los Fabulosos Cadillacs. (As one
might imagine, the Cadillacs name is meant both ironically and
sincerely; here one can love North American pop culture and
distance oneself from it at the same time.) Both bands were
initially inspired by the Two Tone bands in the UK and the ska
scene there (Madness, the Specials, Selector), as were No Doubt and
many other bands around the world. Those short-lived UK bands have
more bastard children than is often acknowledged. Both of these
Argentine bands rapidly evolved and began to incorporate local
influences. Los Decadentes fell in love with regional popular
styles—working-class dance music and murga, a kind of
carnival music—to which they added contemporary lyrics, while Los
Fabulosos Cadillacs incorporated more Afro Uruguayan and tango
sounds and rhythms.
Nito and I had crossed paths years ago in New York
City when Los Decadentes performed at a disco and I lent them an
accordion. Back then the band was viewed by locals here in Buenos
Aires as a kind of theatrical comedy band—a bunch of rowdy
goofballs, which they more or less were at first. Musically, they
weren’t taken seriously, though soon enough they learned to play,
stay in tune, and write amazingly catchy songs in a variety of
rootsy and popular genres—if you include disco anthems as roots
music, and I do, since disco pop is heard in bars everywhere
alongside rancheras and cumbias. They soon had hits
and became fairly popular.
I ran into Nito in Mexico City after a show I did
there, and he amazed the Mexicans with his knowledge of narco
corridos, the ballads sung in the north of that country that
glamorize the exploits of drug dealers and traffickers. One could
draw a parallel in contemporary rap lyrics with, for example,
Ghostface Kil lah’s song “Kilo,” but these Mexican songs are
performed with accordions and guitars. Nito knew the words to all
of them. Now, here in BA, he’s handed me a pile of CDs of Argentine
and Paraguayan cumbia bands. I didn’t know such bands
existed in those countries (those rhythms are usually identified
with Colombia or Mexico, not with these countries farther south).
There’s even a bachata band here, something I thought only
existed on the Caribbean island of Santo Domingo. He says Paraguay
is the Jamaica of South America, though what he means by that is
slightly unclear. He’s not referring to the dope. I think he
believes they’ve evolved an original slant on music and have a
voracious appetite for whatever they hear, from wherever. Their own
popular music incorporates and absorbs a lot of music they hear,
but they process it and give it their own twist, and it’s hugely
influential—at a grassroots level. The music these Paraguayan bands
play is not sophisticated in the accepted sense. It’s trashy music
for the two D’s—dancing and drinking—but as often happens these
outsiders—the musicians from Buenos Aires—are recuperating this
low-class music and re-presenting it to a new audience, the way the
British appropriated U.S. blues and Detroit techno and sold it back
to the United States.
Nito attempts to tell me what the various
cumbia CDs he gave me represent. He says, “The words are
deep, important, like Leonard Cohen.” Somehow I doubt that it is
the appropriate analogy, as this musical style is usually the
favorite of poor people, and it reflects their concerns, as rap did
at one time in North America. But I can see what he means. There is
deep poetry here, in the way we think of blues as being deeply
poetic, within its self-imposed structural and verbal parameters.
Others might claim that Tupac or Biggie Smalls were likewise
unacknowledged deep poets working within the parameters of
vernacular speech and phrasing.
Nito said that rock and roll is now viewed as the
music of the big companies, as it emanates from the large, usually
northern, wealthy countries, and therefore it is no longer
considered to be the voice of the people—not even of the people
where it comes from. I have to agree that seen from here,
contemporary rock is the product of foreign, often North American,
multinationals. Their marketing muscle has made it bland,
predictable, and ubiquitous. It’s a corporate product that is (or
was) being exported. No matter what or who the artist may be, no
matter how well-intentioned someone like me might think he is, our
music, when it is sold here, is invariably tainted by who is
selling it and where it comes from. That said, international “rock”
was an important part of the musical diet for a generation here.
It’s in everyone’s blood. It’s a lingua franca, even if places like
Argentina, far from the northern “source” of rock, no longer look
to the north for musical news and inspiration.
Oddly enough, when I first played here it was with
a large Latin band, which must have been a bit of a shock to those
expecting to hear “Psycho Killer.” We did a lot of salsa,
cumbia, and sambas. I did do “Psycho Killer,” but with two
berimbaus—a Brazilian one-stringed “rhythm” instrument that
is usually associated with the martial art/dance capoeira. I was a
little shocked when I played that concert. I thought for sure the
various grooves and flavors of Latin music would all be familiar
here, even if the current generation didn’t play them, but they
weren’t. I was under the mistaken impression that those infectious
Latin rhythms I hear all over New York City would be familiar all
over South America. Boy was I wrong. Although there are a few—a
very few—Latin American artists whose appeal extends across the
whole continent (and often to Europe as well) most of the regional
styles have, well, regional audiences. There’s a salsa,
cumbia, bachata, and reggaeton audience that
encompasses the Caribbean basin along with immigrants from there
who have settled in New York, but except for a couple of artists,
that music, which was for decades a strong part of New York’s
musical landscape, didn’t penetrate south of the equator.
So it turned out in a small way that Mr. Psycho
Killer was bringing salsa and samba to Buenos Aires! I imagined I
would be bringing coals to Newcastle (or “sand to the beach,” as
the Brazilians would say). I imagined I had made a big effort to
import something that was already familiar or available in copious
quantities, but it seems the world is not as simple as that.
Now many of the bands here have increasingly
incorporated local grooves and styles into what was once
essentially a version, however creative, of northern rock. This,
some think, may limit their international audience (though I tend
to think the reverse is true). Nito says that he is content knowing
that their band may never be “international.” He’s proud that they
represent the culture and identity of this region, which he knows
may limit them commercially but he feels is right and proper.
Día de los Niños
The next day during the afternoon I ride my
bicycle out to a park where I notice that there is a “shrine” that
consists of a small statue of a saint, and around him offerings of
plastic bottles of water—hundreds of them—all over the place. At
first glance, if one didn’t know better, it almost looks like a
recycling depot. But this has that distinctive, unmistakable
appearance of a deliberate human act. An act of faith, a process
that has created a nexus of desire and magic. The bottles have a
purposeful look, not the look of a heap of rubbish. These everyday
objects have been ordered and activated, given power and
significance, and charged with hopes and longing. Even if one
doesn’t believe, one can sense that a creative and spiritual act
has taken place. A transference of will from inside to outside. I
take a few photos and then pedal on.
A Village of the Dead
I continue to ride around town. Some of the larger
multilaned boulevards are bike challenging, so sometimes I opt for
the side streets. Since each neighborhood is more or less on a grid
it’s not that hard to figure out how to navigate this city.
Sometimes I can even move from neighborhood to neighborhood and
stay almost exclusively within elongated parks or along the
riverfront promenade.
I pass through Recoleta. It’s a little like the
Upper East Side in Manhattan or the Sixteenth Arrondissement in
Paris: elegant, older, European-style apartment buildings with
ornate carvings; well-off patricians, mostly older women and
gentlemen; fancy clothing boutiques; and upscale restaurants. Here
is the cemetery where Evita is buried. The graves in the cemetery
are mostly aboveground, as they are in New Orleans, but with a huge
difference: these are big, ostentatious tombs—they could be the
tombs of kings and queens. The caskets and their inhabitants are
even visible through the glass doors of many of these “little
palaces.” For that’s exactly what these are—big houses. This place
is a neighborhood, a barrio, exclusively for the dead. A whole
city, a necropolis. In many of the “homes” one can also see stairs
going down into semidarkness where I can just make out more shelves
holding more inhabitants. This is where I presume the previous
generation “lives.”
In another necropolis—la Chacarita—there is the
grave of Carlos Gardel, the famous tango artist who died in a plane
crash. The tomb is covered in plaques commemorating his influential
work and inspiring example.
There are long avenues of “buildings” in varied
architectural styles—art deco, classic Greco-Roman, gothic,
modern—block after block, an entire metropolis just for the dead,
built on a slightly reduced scale from the real city outside the
high walls that surround the cemetery. A few men sweep and clean
away dead flowers, while a few visitors wander aimlessly, and a few
bring fresh flowers.
Some citizens of the city are upstanding, while
others are tired of living.
And some will soon be devoured by
buzzards.
Musical Connections
I’m performing tonight, sitting in on a couple of
songs with the local band La Portuaria, whose lead singer, Diego
Frenkel, is an acquaintance of mine. Diego’s wife appears in the
afternoon, carrying their new baby. She was in the original company
of the De La Guarda theatrical piece Villa Villa when that
group came to New York City. When I saw that show—and was swept up
into the air by a man with hairy butt cheeks—I imagined it was a
kind of political allegory, a celebration of release, freedom, and
anarchy after years of dictatorship—a roar of freedom, yet still an
acknowledgment of the painful and terrifying past. I might have
been imagining all that, projecting my own ideas about Argentine
culture and memory onto a freewheeling piece of physical theater.
But maybe a theatrical explosion like this happens after being
bottled up?
Diego, it turns out, is also friends with Juana
Molina, whom I invited to join me on my most recent U.S. tour. I’d
heard Juana’s second CD, Segundo, and loved it, though I
didn’t know her history at that time. Her dad, Horacio Molina, was
a great musician, and when Juana was a little girl the likes of
Vinicius De Moraes and Chico Buarque passed through their house.
The family eventually left Argentina and spent six years exiled in
Paris during the dictatorship. Later, with her siblings, she showed
a gift for comedy and for inhabiting characters, so before long she
had her own TV show called Juana and Her Sisters. She might
be compared to Tracey Ullman if one needs a reference. Success
proved to be wonderful but also a trap and a huge detour from the
music that she had always hoped to write, so a few years ago she
stopped doing the TV show and began to perform her quiet, peculiar,
and wonderful songs.
The local public hated her initial foray into
music. They heckled her and shouted, “Be funny!” Luckily, Ms.
Molina heard that she was getting played on the influential public
radio station KCRW in L.A., so she moved there and began to acquire
a small following. I don’t know how she is received in Buenos Aires
now, but with glowing reviews from the north under her belt the
locals might be ready to have another listen. Her music is serious,
quiet, and experimental, for want of a better word—she didn’t leave
TV to be a pop star, that much is obvious.
“Maximum Effort—Minimum Results”
While in Recoleta I stop by the new contemporary
art museum, MALBA, where there is a show called Los Usos de la
Imagen, with works mainly borrowed from a large Mexican art
collection. There are some of the usual international names, but
there are also a good number of South and Central American artists
represented, some of whom are new to me. One of them, Santiago
Sierra, made a video of indigenous women repeating a Spanish phrase
they’d learned phonetically: “I am being paid to say something the
meaning of which I ignore.”
Sierra also had a photo of another indigenous
group, which he had paid to dye their hair blond—a heavily loaded
symbol in much of Latin America. In another piece, a truck was paid
to block a highway for five minutes. People were paid to fill a
room, to hold up a wall, to masturbate. I found this work
disturbing. I wasn’t sure if these people were simply being
exploited or if the exploitation, being so obvious, was instead
ironic and a criticism of the exploitation that exists all around.
The ambiguity, for me, was unsettling.
Another artist, Francis Alÿs, a Belgian who now
lives in Mexico, paid five hundred Peruvians to form, side by side,
a huge line, and they were then instructed to shovel the sand of a
massive dune that lies in the desert south of Lima as they inched
forward, step-by-step, continually shoveling. Theoretically they
were moving the whole dune, imperceptibly, as the massive human
chain of laborers made its way across the hill. “Maximum
effort—minimum results” was his catchphrase summarizing the
effort.
I assume that in some way these works are a comment
on both the exploitation of the local labor force and the gulf
between rich and poor in many Latin American countries. The
exchange of cash for absurd or loaded behavior is sort of funny,
and more than a little sad. In an art context it’s shocking—but one
becomes used to it on the streets, where people willingly perform
tedious and repetitive tasks for very little money. It reminds me a
little of bum fights—a rumored L.A. practice in which young men
would pay homeless guys on skid row to fight one another and then
they’d circulate videos of the results. It was a debasing,
disrespectful, and degrading way to treat other people. Getting
cash for shoveling sand or memorizing a meaningless phrase may be
disrespectful, but it’s hardly as demeaning as getting punched for
cash.
The “work” that these artists pay for might be
absurd, but it’s harmless. It’s provocative in a sad, fucked-up
kind of way. As a poetic response to a social and financial
context, these acts seem intuitive, instinctual, but when
transposed to an art fair or a shiny gallery or museum in New York
City a whole other level of meaning is added. And when billionaires
buy and sell art about the exploitation of the lower classes, the
layers of context and meaning are maybe not exactly what the artist
had in mind.
The Saint of Unemployment
I ride farther out from the center of town. I
don’t have a destination. I stumble upon a feria—a village
fair—this one an outdoor festival that celebrates gaucho and
country culture. It takes place in a small plaza out in the
suburbs. On the way I pass a queue of people. One sees only the
line, no destination or end—just people standing, patiently, and
occasionally inching forward, but toward what is unclear. The line
is so long that it disappears somewhere down the road, and where it
ends is too far away to tell. The line snakes through a succession
of neighborhoods, in and out of small town centers. It disappears
from my view and then incredibly it suddenly appears again. It’s
four kilometers long at least. Half a million people or more, so I
am told later, waiting to see San Cay etano, the patron saint of
the unemployed. This is the saint that people pray to when they are
in need of work, and today is his day. All the local roads in the
area around the church where the saint is housed are blocked off by
the police. The people come to pray for work, for employment. Some
of them come carrying a few stalks of DayGlo-dyed wheat, which they
will take home in remembrance, while others leave with
nothing.
Being Your Own Billboard
Almost all the girls in the big cities of
Argentina I visit this year wear extremely tight stretch jeans. It
is as if there is a mating ritual in progress and we foreigners
here are privileged to witness it. These skintight jeans constitute
their courtship plumage. The local guys mostly pretend not to
notice. But how can they not? It is such a blatant effort to
attract their attention. Trying to be cool, the men play an
elaborate game of not paying any mind. So there is this obvious
signaling and pretending not to notice going on. It’s beautiful,
and the tension must be unbearable.
Apparently there are more women than men in
Argentina, so maybe that explains part of it—with an imbalance like
that, the women face more competition than they would in most other
countries, so they have to try harder to attract a man’s attention.
At least that would explain it in Darwinian terms.
I think a similar process operates in Los Angeles,
though the context there is slightly different. I don’t know what
the male-female balance is in L.A., but I suspect that because
people in that town come into close contact with one another
relatively infrequently—they are usually physically isolated at
work, at home, or in their cars—they have to make an immediate and
profound impression on the opposite sex and on their rivals
whenever a chance presents itself. Subtlety will get you nowhere in
this context.
This applies particularly in L.A. but also in much
of the United States, where chances and opportunities to be seen
and noticed by the opposite sex sometimes occur not just
infrequently but also at some physical distance—across a parking
lot, as one walks from car to building, or in a crowded mall.
Therefore the signal that I am sexy, powerful, and desirable has to
be broadcast at a slightly “louder” volume than in other towns
where people actually come into closer contact and don’t need to
“shout.” In L.A. one has to be one’s own billboard.
Consequently in L.A. the women, on the face of it,
must feel a greater need to get physically augmented, tanned, and
have flowing manes of hair that can be seen from a considerable
distance. Their clothes are a little (or a lot) too sexy
(especially when seen up close) and to add to this effect they
strike come-hither poses as they stand or walk—postures that drive
the Angelino males to distraction and probably influence much of
that city’s creative output.
The Stolen Building
I make my way back toward the center of town, and
on my way I pass by a beautiful old administration building. It is
covered with different-colored ceramic tiles, and these tiles seem
different from many of the others used in town. I am told later
that this edifice houses the Department of Water, which is in
charge of the city’s water supply. The need for this department was
made painfully obvious during the city’s great yellow fever
epidemic in 1871 when between 150 and 170 people died every day.
The outbreak killed half the population of Buenos Aires, and during
the height of the epidemic so many people were dying every day that
the railway company laid in a temporary branch line to serve a new
cemetery—special trains for the dead leading to the magnificent
town for the dead.
Why, though, does this building look so different
from all the other period buildings? It turns out that the tiles
and ornamentation all arrived by boat from Europe and were
originally intended for a building in Venezuela, but someone made a
mistake, and the boat ended up in Argentina instead. The mistake
was thought to be fortuitous, and rather than sending them on their
way, they were used for the construction of the Water Department
building.
No Encuentros
I bike through the Parque Ecológico, a park that
has paths through the wetlands that border one whole side of the
city. As if the New Jersey Meadowlands were attached to Manhattan
and had paths winding through the acres of reeds and marshlands. It
seems the park is also a spot for secluded meetings, as there are
signs advising that it is not a place for “encuentros ”
(meetings) . . . meaning sexual liaisons. The reeds hide much of
the city, though it is right next door. It’s a strange sort of
park. You can’t leave the paths even if you want to, for to venture
off the trails would be to wade into the marshy wetlands.
Mondo Cane
I stop by the waterfront to watch a group of maybe
six dogs that have gathered there. A black doggie, an outsider
possibly attempting to join the group, or wanting at least to be
taken seriously, stands slightly apart from the rest of the dogs
and barks, fairly aggressively, while a large Labrador repeatedly
mounts a sad-looking female with a houndlike face. He eventually
succeeds in the task, after which the two are locked together for a
few minutes.
None of the other dogs seem to pay much attention
to this sex act taking place in their midst. Barking Blackie is
shooed off by the others repeatedly, but he returns, again and
again. A twin of the Lab fucker barks, demanding to chase sticks
thrown in the water by some nearby people—he somehow seems to
miraculously ignore all the fucking and barking and growling around
him. This dog can focus! The lovers have unlocked now, and the
others pass by one after another and smell the sad gal’s pussy, but
they make no attempt to mount her. The two lovers now lick their
privates . . . possibly to ease the pain of being stuck
together.
Finally, fed up with the outsider Blackie’s
aggressive nonstop growling and barking, a muscular member of the
group takes the case in hand, grabs Blackie by his red collar, and,
while both dogs are knee-deep in the water, attempts to semidrown
him. Or at least that’s what it looks like he’s trying to do.
Others join in—one chomping down on poor Blackie’s leg. A violent
scrum ensues. Blackie, the outsider, could easily be drowned as the
others thrash about and hold him down—but no—after a minute or two
of violence they all let go of him and there is no blood, despite
all the showing of teeth and even what seemed like real
biting.
The pack seems satisfied that maybe now he will
know his place. It seems they intentionally didn’t hurt him. It was
all for show, to demonstrate that they weren’t going to put up with
his noise, aggressiveness, and implied threats. The social
hierarchy has been reasserted. Blackie stands up, still knee-deep
in water, dripping, slightly stunned, not moving. He doesn’t run
away. He slowly saunters up the bank to the “protection” of some
bushes. A minute or so later here he comes again for more
punishment; once again throwing down his never-ending
challenge.
One dog pisses on another’s face. No reaction.
What! The hierarchies here must be well worked out if the
pissed-upon doesn’t even react.
On my way biking downtown from where I live in
midtown Manhattan I sometimes pass by a little dog park at
Twenty-third Street and Eleventh Avenue, next to the West Side bike
path. It’s a triangle of man-made hillocks and humps. The dogs
brought there by their owners usually each pick a hump to occupy,
and there they stand—one dog on top of each mound, each a king of
his own hill. Everybody’s happy. Clever design for a dog
park.
I imagine that if there were only one mound in that
park there might be more fights—a constant and nasty struggle might
ensue to see who would be top dog—but as there are quite a few
options available every dog can be king, at least for a little
while.
Watching dogs, it sure seems we haven’t “advanced”
much from the territorial and hierarchical struggles that they act
out so transparently in front of our eyes. The thing about dogs is
that their posturing is often just that—Blackie wasn’t really hurt,
no blood was shed. Actual violence is truly a last resort. We
humans constantly push to see where the boundaries lie as well, but
sometimes when acted out on a national or global scale, or when the
posturing involves a handy gun or some tanks and cluster bombs,
it’s a little too easy to quickly fire off a few rounds and zap the
target, knowing there will probably be no (immediate)
repercussions. Rather than simply relegating an “inferior” to his
or her appropriate position in the pecking order one has eliminated
the person completely.
I cycle back to the hotel, where they instruct me
not to bring my bike into the lobby. They suggest I ride down into
the underground parking area—and from there I can use the elevator
to take myself, with the bike, up to my room.
What’s Going On in Your Country?
The next day I do an interview at the local radio
station. The studio is filled with people engaged in mysterious
activities, all of which produce various kinds of noises. This, as
I can eventually see, is entirely purposeful and intentional. A man
next to me casually lifts up a piece of metal on a string and
strikes it—CLAANNNGG! A woman noisily plays with an infant
on the floor. Another man casually strums an out-of-tune guitar.
Papers are rustled. It is as if they are “scoring” my
conversation—creating an artificial sonic ambience and an imaginary
“place” in which the interview is occurring. I wonder if they have
a whole set of environments and ambiences that they can
re-create—offices, beaches (on the weekend), factories, forests,
ranches?
On the table are some tiny books. One is no bigger
than an inch from top to bottom. They are published in Peru, and
contain quotations and popular wisdom. They are bite-sized. I could
eat one.
It’s the mid-aughts, and these days many
journalists ask me, “What is going on in New York?” They mean: what
is the political feeling since 9/11? I usually reply that New York,
after a year or two, has more or less returned to its cosmopolitan,
multicultural self, where no one thinks twice if the cab driver is
wearing a turban. But the interior of the country, with access only
to USA Today and Fox News for their information, well, they
are still trembling with fear that Saddam or Osama bin Laden is
going to come and steal their SUVs. The lack of information
available to the populace that isn’t pure propaganda, and the
continual efforts of the Bush administration to keep everyone in
fear, has created a nation that wants nothing more than to close
its doors and hide and to have other people—the imperial
troops—make whatever imagined threat there is out there simply go
away. They want someone else to do whatever it takes to protect
them from this weird, inscrutable, and invisible enemy that they
believe wants to take their comfortable lives from them.
Most of the journalists here, as in Europe, are
searching for an explanation from me as to why people in the United
States continued to support Bush and Company. It’s a constant
puzzle to them how he could have been reelected. A puzzle to me
too. As support for Bush and his policies continues in the U.S.A.,
the press and people here lose what is left of their admiration for
the American people, whom they largely have looked up to for their
spunk, imagination, freedom, business acumen, can-do spirit, and
brilliant pop culture. They admire the democratic institutions of
the United States too—but that’s more complicated, because all
these southern countries know from experience that it was the
United States that helped instigate and support the dictatorships
they lived under for decades. So platitudes from U.S. politicians
about spreading democracy and freedom ring pretty hollow here—those
phrases are recognized as a cover for spreading U.S. influence,
power, and business.
I tell them that I am guardedly optimistic. In my
recent touring experience in the U.S.A., lots of ordinary people,
many of whom indeed voted for Bush last time around, now express
feelings that he hasn’t done a very good job, even if they continue
to believe that, for example, the invasion of Iraq was justified. I
suspect that it will be many years before we know just how bad a
job he and his cronies have done. It saddens me, because, like a
lot of people, I was inculcated with a kind of faith and belief
that the opportunities and the system of checks and balances that
the United States seemed to represent were a new political animal
on the face of the earth. One that could and did influence and
inspire others around the world, for good. That myth of benign and
beneficial influence and inspiration to other nations and people
was true, at least to some extent. The best of the United
States—rock and roll, rhythm and blues, Martin Luther King, and so
on—were inspirational in other completely different cultures. But
eventually, as I read more accounts of recent history, I became
more skeptical. I came to know about the various misadventures the
United States had gotten itself into—supporting dictatorships and
toppling democracies. I continued to harbor a sense that deep down
a moral invisible hand—the sometimes wacky but practical and
good-hearted American people—would have the sense to adjust the
course and therefore continue to be an example for other nations.
In the mid-aughts, I, and it seems much of the rest of world, have
had serious doubts about that. Now, with the election of Barack
Obama, a huge measure of hope, optimism, and respect has returned,
though this poor guy has been handed a country with its economic
legs cut off and mired in an expensive and never-ending occupation
in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Musical Connections, Continued
In the early evening León Gieco and I stop by for
tea at the apartment of Mercedes Sosa, a force in Argentine music
for a number of decades. This reminds me of the human chain of
connections that brought me here, to her apartment. Bernardo
Palombo, an Argentine folksinger, was teaching me Spanish in the
early ’90s in New York. He introduced me during classes to the
music of Susana Baca, Silvio Rodriguez, and others, and I would
practice my still rudimentary Spanish by asking about their music
and lyrics. Amelia Lafferriere, a friend of Bernardo’s here in
Buenos Aires, had worked with Silvio, as well as with León Gieco, a
folk rock singer here. Leon is friends with Mercedes Sosa. I
covered one of León’s songs, “Solo le Pido a Dios,” on my first
tour here (I also covered one made famous by Mercedes too, “Todo
Cambia”) and later, in New York, he invited me to join him in a
concert he did with Pete Seeger. (The connections are
mind-boggling, even to me. Six degrees of musical separation,
indeed.)
Mercedes is an amazing singer and a
larger-than-life personality. She emerged in the mid-to-late ’60s
and could be considered a kind of art-folk singer, as she makes few
concessions to mainstream pop tastes. In a way some of these
songwriters were musically closest to the British folk models in
that they looked to their own cultural and historical roots and
sounds for inspiration. One might group Mercedes with the nueva
trova, nueva canción, or new song, movement, which emerged in
the ’60s here and throughout Latin America, and had no equivalent
up north—though there was a parallel with ’60s folksing ers who
also included songs about politics and human rights in their
repertoire. Here, however, to sing about human rights and freedom,
at least at that time, was a life-and-death matter. It took a kind
of passion and bravery that we musicians up north haven’t had to
deal with.
The Tropicálistas in Brazil were jailed or sent
into exile. Here and in Chile it was a lot worse. Mercedes was
arrested onstage and exiled. Victor Jara in Chile had his hands
chopped off and was killed. León was also forced into exile.
Mercedes fled first to Brazil, and then to Paris and Madrid, León
to Ann Arbor, Michigan.
León looks a bit like Sting, if Sting drove a truck
in Patagonia. León is more of a rocker than Mercedes, though they
both often add and absorb elements of indigenous music—and I don’t
mean just tango—into their songs and recordings. This musical
blending, for me, says as much about what these artists are up to
as their lyrics do. Their sound says they are proud of their
heritage and culture, that they don’t want to simply be an
imitation of the internationally popular North American models—and
yet they include elements of that music in the mix as well. To me
this says that they, and many others, view themselves and the
present as a third stream, a hybrid that isn’t exclusively one
thing or the other, but can borrow from anything out there. These
musicians are defining their identity in a formal way that you can
hear instantly. León has also written songs that, like some of
Dylan’s, put into words what a lot of people felt at a particular
time, and for this reason he’s revered, and a lot of people know
some of his songs by heart.
León was, for a time, in a band with Charly García,
a classic rocker here, so from Mercedes to León to Charly there is
a thread that ties a number of fairly disparate musical strands
together. And, at least as far as being influenced, I guess I’m
part of that chain now too, as I’m thrilled to know both of
them—for their music and for what they represent, culturally and
politically.
Mercedes is a large woman, and she has a booming
voice that in volume could be compared to that of an opera singer.
Her friendly mestizo features contain some indigenous elements—or
maybe I imagine this because she often wears a poncho onstage. She
and León’s conversation with each other is intense and
wide-ranging—from remembrances of Victor Jara to glowing admiration
for David Lindley and other wacky and talented L.A. musicians with
whom León has recently recorded.
It’s two in the morning now, early by Buenos Aires
standards, and we’ve moved to a Japanese restaurant in a hotel.
After dinner, as we leave, a group of young girls, who were sitting
on the curb waiting for a local teen idol to show up, surround
Mercedes with hugs and kisses. They’re more than one generation
apart, but even the teen fans know who Mercedes is.
The Church of Football
The next day on TV the Mexican and Argentine
players enter the field for the World Cup match that will decide
which of them continues to the final rounds. The entire city has
stopped for the game. Everything has come to a standstill. I’m at a
sound check in a club, where I will be sitting in with La
Portuaria. All the club and band technicians have stopped work and
gathered around the TV. The national anthems have been sung and the
players have taken the field. The streets outside are nearly
deserted, the huge avenues almost clear of traffic. All shops and
restaurants are closed, except a few where televisions can be seen
with clumps of people huddled in front of them.
After the sound check Diego, the lead singer, and I
stop at a sandwich shop for a late lunch. The café is manned
entirely by women, which might explain why it remains open (the men
are all glued to the TV sets). Though it isn’t the center of
attention there is a token tiny TV sitting on the bar, which
competes with a CD of techno music. Diego mentions that he was in
high school during the dictatorship. The World Cup was held here in
’78—and he says that some claim it was used as a screen for many to
go missing and become disappeared. The government supported the
sport event massively and used it as a clever way to disappear
people when few were paying attention. One can see today how easy
that would be. This would be the time to invade.
Most people were then, and even now remain, in
partial denial about what was going on, many claiming they saw or
knew nothing—although many sensed what was happening. As a high
school student Diego went to visit some friends one day and no one
answered the door. It was soon apparent that the house was now
vacant, and would remain so. Later his father said that maybe they
had been taken. There was a general feeling of paranoia, and Diego
says that for a high school kid this fear manifested itself in ways
that any schoolkid of that time might worry about—that if your hair
was too long you’d be in trouble or if you got caught with a joint
you might be picked up. Those typical young hipster affectations
could have been viewed by the state as outward signs that you might
be a sympathizer with its enemies. So even though these might have
been the same concerns of high school kids in many countries, here
the repercussions for being picked up for being a long-haired
hippie were much more ominous. Everyone was careful; political talk
was hushed. Gunshots could be heard on the streets at night—the
sound of the military or the police (often they were the same
thing) going about their dirty business.
I remember having a similar feeling in elementary
school in Baltimore, though it couldn’t have been anywhere near as
intense as it was down here. It was during the Cuban missile
crisis, and the level of fear and paranoia in the United States
must have been high. Of course as a kid you assume that everything,
whether it’s abnormal or not, is just the way things are. Only in
retrospect do you realize how fucked up it was.
I remember walking home from school. (I would have
been in fifth grade—maybe ten years old?) It was about a mile back
to my home, and I would usually take a route that passed through
mostly suburban neighborhoods of lawns and trees, split-level
homes, and clapboard houses. I remember picturing in my mind
dark-winged bombers suddenly flying overheard. (Would they be Cuban
bombers? Russian?) I imagined that first their engines would be
heard approaching, a low ominous hum coming from somewhere in the
distance, and then they’d appear over our suburban roofs. As I
walked home I would mentally plan my route to possible shelter
should this happen. Block by block, I would think to myself, From
this block I could make it to Dean’s house, if I run—Dean’s house
was maybe a block or two away—then, a little farther on, I
determined that at that point my friend Ricky’s house would be a
better bet for shelter. The way home had to be calculated, planned,
measured, from one potential safe house to the next. It was a
frightening passage for a kid. No wonder the movies of that time
were the way they were, full of paranoia and monsters. We were all
scared shitless and the monster was invisible.
Gentrification
Palermo, the district where we are now having a
sandwich, used to be a quiet neighborhood with lots of pocket
parks—which are still here, though it’s not so quiet anymore. It
got gentrified in the last few years, and now it’s filled with
clothing boutiques, chic eateries, and bars. Diego recently moved
out of his apartment across the plaza from this sandwich shop.
Their house is for sale. He asks what changes New York is going
through—commenting that it now seems so clean. Same process—the
artists and new arrivals seek apartments farther out as the rising
rents drive them away from the center. I comment that the resulting
lack of mixing of various kinds of people—artists, professionals,
and working folk—is ultimately detrimental to creativity.
Creativity of all kinds. With young creative types now spread out
over New Jersey, the Bronx, Williamsburg, Red Hook, and elsewhere,
it’s harder for any kind of scene or movement to gain traction.
There needs to be sufficient density for it to develop. Creativity
gets a boost when people rub shoulders, when they collide in bars
and cafés and have a tentative sense of community. New York, or at
least Manhattan, will, on its current course, end up like Hong Kong
or Singapore—a vast gleaming business and shopping center.
Creativity—that indefinable quality that China, for example,
probably covets—will be extinguished in New York if random and
frequent social contact is eliminated.
It’s often said that proximity doesn’t matter so
much now—that we have virtual offices and online communities and
social networks, so it doesn’t matter where we are physically. But
I’m skeptical. I think online communities tend to group like with
like, which is fine and perfect for some tasks, but sometimes
inspiration comes from accidental meetings and encounters with
people outside one’s own demographic, and that’s less likely if you
only communicate with your “friends.”
I have no romantic feelings for run-down
neighborhoods where crack vials litter the pavement and the
plumbing barely works. Granted, those neighborhoods typically offer
cheap housing and a tolerance for noise and eccentricity, but to
confuse the availability of space with the unfortunate
circumstances that often make those spaces cheap is, well—they
don’t need to go hand in hand.
We walk to my hotel, a few blocks away. The streets
are empty. (The football is still going on.) The rain has stopped.
Diego asks about hip-hop. I reply that the beats and music are
often incredibly innovative and sophisticated, but for the most
part it’s corporate rebellion these days. Which isn’t to say there
isn’t a lot I like—Trapped in the Closet is one of the
wackiest, most creative video pieces I’ve seen in years. Diego
brings up Baile Funk—the fairly recent Brazilian evolution of 808
drum machine beats, techno, hip-hop, and funk. (Though it’s more
like being pummeled in a violently disorienting fairground ride
than getting funky, in my opinion.) We agree it’s incredibly
innovative and ridiculously extreme. Diego says the lyrics in the
Brazilian case are violent and rough, but unlike U.S. hip-hop the
words in Baile Funk are usually from a victim’s point of
view.
History Told Through Nightlife
I stop by a book and record store where I select
various CDs, and the clerk plays me samples from local recordings:
one of solo bandoneón (the accordionlike instrument used in
tango), one of candombe jazz (an unexpected hybrid to me, as
candombe is Afro-Uruguayan carnival music), and one of a large
orchestra playing old tangos. Over on a table there are numerous
books detailing the history of the national rock scene and others
describing the varieties of Porteño nightlife.
A history of nightlife!—what an interesting
concept. A history of a people, told not through their daily
travails and successive political upheavals, but via the changes in
their nightly celebrations and unwindings. History is, in this
telling, accompanied by a bottle of Malbec, some fine Argentine
steak, tango music, dancing, and gossip. It unfolds through and
alongside illicit activities that take place in the multitude of
discos, dance parlors, and clubs. Its direction, the way people
live, is determined on half-lit streets, in bars, and in smoky
late-night restaurants. This history is inscribed in songs, on
menus, via half-remembered conversations, love affairs, drunken
fights, and years of drug abuse.
One wonders if the things that people do to
relax—after work and after-hours—is a mirror of their inner state,
and therefore a way to see unspoken hopes, fears, and desires.
Views and expressions kept bottled up in public, in the daytime,
and kept hidden in typical political discourse. Nightlife might be
a truer and deeper view into specific historical and political
moments than the usual maneuverings of politicians and oligarchs
that make it into the record. Or at least they might be a parallel
world, another side of the coin.
It’s easy to say in retrospect that the goings-on
in the Weimar cabarets prefigured World War II, or that punk rock
was a dark reflection of the Reagan era, but there might be some
truth to looking at all nightlife that way. Was the simultaneous
flowering of both Studio 54 and CBGB, when New York City was at
financial rock bottom, a coincidence? Maybe not? Will this latest
economic meltdown signal a creative renaissance, a rebirth of
affordable and anything-is-possible nightlife? Can one read the
present or the future by looking at the dance floor, into back
rooms, or at who’s on the bar stools? The myriad restaurants and
lounges of the past decade in New York City were often filled with
hedge fund billionaires, and the rise of bottle service in discos
and celebrity hangouts can now be seen as a harbinger of what was
to come. But, yeah, it’s easy to say that in retrospect.
City of Vampires
After the performance I go out to a club at the
invitation of Charly García, who came to the show. Charly was one
of the instigators of the rock nacional movement here, which
emerged in the ’60s. Charley became more well known in the early
’70s. He was contemporaneous with the folk and nueva trova
artists mentioned earlier, but for people like Charly, though those
others were respected, folk might also have been the style to rebel
against. He, and many others, represented sex, drugs, and rock and
roll—decadence as opposed to political causes.
The band at the club, Man Ray, had just gone on.
It’s two thirty AM. The band is fronted by a woman who sometimes
sings with Charly. Socially, this town appears to be like New
York—late shows, people out till morning light—but in some ways
it’s even more a late-night hang than New York is or ever was. A
vast majority of restaurants are open here till at least four
AM—many more than in New York. And the streets are packed at three
thirty! The movie theaters have regular shows starting at one
thirty AM, and these movies are not The Rocky Horror Picture
Show, or some typical midnight movie—even El Rey León
(The Lion King) was letting out at three AM! Then, after the
movies let out the audience inevitably goes out to eat or to have a
drink. Whole families are out strolling in the middle of the night!
When do they sleep? As in the larger cities of Spain, people eat
late—never before nine thirty—and then they might catch a show that
starts in the wee hours.
A city of vampires. Do any of them have day jobs?
Do they keep these hours all week? Are there two separate
societies—night people and day people? Two shifts, two urban
populations that never meet or cross paths? Are they using coke or
massive amounts of yerba maté tea to stay up? Or, have they snuck
in a little siesta after work while the rest of us were having
dinner on New York time?
I fade around four AM and go back to the hotel and
crash. Mauro and some of my road crew are out till seven AM—moving
on from that rock club to another place that features music they
describe as a mixture of zydeco and cumbia, played by DJs.
They say it gets rolling around five or six AM.
Glover Gill, leader of the Austin, Texas-based
Tosca Tango Orchestra, is here, as I am using his string players in
my band, and they have managed to squeeze in a couple of their own
dates while they are here. A group of us go to see a traditional
tango group at a baroque palace, El Palacio de San Martín, as part
of the World Tango Festival in progress here. The palace is an
incredible edifice—there is a Beaux-Arts balcony and beyond it a
stained-glass panel of St. George killing the dragon. An
old-fashioned tango orquestra is set up on a stage and
exhibition dancers perform on the dance floor before the public
takes over.
The audience, except for us, are all dressed in
their slinky finery—all very elegant and sexy. There are some
amazing dancers, which is a little intimidating. Later on we go to
La Cumparsita, a sort of tourist tango joint in the San Telmo
district. There are the ubiquitous pictures of Carlos Gardel on the
walls—many, many of them. I have about had it with the Gardel myth.
I feel like saying, “He’s been dead for a long, long time—get over
it, move on!”
This morning I struggle to wake up. I pedal to Casa
del Tango, which is about four kilometers away, joining the string
players to observe a rehearsal by El Arranque. I sit in the dark
theater seats in their rehearsal space—a modest former
theater—watching as they prepare. They discuss arrangements and how
to play various sections of the piece. Then they run through a few
full numbers, which are amazing.
The Takeback
While Argentina was under a military dictatorship
in the 1970s, the IMF and World Bank provided loans and in return
demanded that Argentina’s industries be opened up to foreign
investors and its national industries be privatized. The country
soon went heavily into debt (which is fairly typical whenever the
World Bank gets involved somewhere) and unemployment rose. A lot of
the country’s wealth was quietly flown out, in dollars. In 2001 it
all came to a head and the government closed Argentines out of
their own bank accounts and food riots broke out across the
country. The peso was devalued, factories were closed, and half the
population fell below the poverty line.
Later that year some workers decided to restart
some of the shuttered factories themselves. The owners, who had
abandoned these factories, protested and took the workers to court.
The owners and the banks wanted to sell off the assets—the
machinery and materials—and make a quick buck. In some cases the
workers won the right to keep the factories running—the judges, it
seems, sometimes felt that employment was more important than a
one-time profit. The factories, a few of them, are now run without
bosses; they pay their property taxes, and have begun to pay off
their debts. Here’s a still from a documentary called The
Take:
This might be inspiring for some U.S. businesses
now: for example, newspapers that are saddled with debts due to
take- overs by investment funds and forced to declare bankruptcy.
One wonders if the workers in those businesses, and maybe even in
Detroit, could run the factories themselves. In the 2003 elections
here President Menem, who backed the factory owners, eventually
dropped out of the race and Néstor Kirchner became president. The
present president is Kirchner’s wife, pictured here with Mercedes
Sosa. Times change—as they have in the United States.
The distinct nasal twang of an “American” accent
echoes through the plane as I head north. I’m flying American
Airlines to Miami. The voices exude confidence, superiority. (They
don’t sound like they’re very flexible or open-minded, and they’re
not.) After the gentle, sensuous vowels of Latin America, this—my
language—sounds harsh, cruel, authoritarian.