Introduction
Alexandre Dumas père was by no means the
first author to recount the story of a mysterious prisoner known as
the Man in the Iron Mask, but it is his fictionalized version of
the tale that is unquestionably the best known and the mostly
widely read today. Among those of Dumas’s predecessors and
contemporaries, both famous and obscure, who wrote about the
prisoner’s prolonged solitary confinement, one can mention such
eighteenth-century writers as Voltaire, who records it in his
history of Le Siècle de Louis XIV (The Age of Louis XIV) ,
and Jérôme Le Grand, who, after reading about the affair in the
Memoirs of the Maréchal-Duc de Richelieu, composed a five-act verse
tragedy, Louis XIV et le masque de fer; ou, Les Princes jumeaux
(Louis XIV and the Iron Mask; or, The Twin Princes), on the
subject (see “For Further Reading”). In the nineteenth century,
Alfred de Vigny wrote a poem, “La Prison,” on the
seventeenth-century captive and Auguste Arnould and created a
five-act prose drama titled L’Homme au masque de fer (The Man in
the Iron Mask). Paul Lacroix (writing as Paul L. Jacob,
Bibliophile) first published his novel about the Mask in La
Revue de Paris. Victor Hugo called his never-completed
dramatization of the story Les Jumeaux (The Twins). Dumas
himself, as he so often did with his successful novels, would also
transform his narrative about the unfortunate prisoner into a
five-act drama entitled Le Prisonnier de la Bastille: Fin des
Mousquetaires (The Prisoner of the Bastille: The End of the
Musketeers). While the first part of that play’s title is
somewhat enigmatic—there were, over the centuries, so many
prisoners in the Bastille—the subtitle clearly points to the place
that the captive’s story occupies in Dumas’s celebrated novel. What
I mean is that the book known in English-language editions as
The Man in the Iron Mask is in fact the final segment of a
much longer novel known to French readers as Le Vicomte de
Bragelonne; ou, Dix Ans plus tard (The Viscount de Bragelonne; or,
Ten Years Later). (The first two parts are The Vicomte de
Bragelonne and Louise de la Vallière.) That work, in its
entirety, brings to a conclusion the trilogy that began with
Dumas’s The Three Musketeers.1
Like The Three Musketeers and its sequel,
Vingt Ans aprés (Twenty Years After), Dumas wrote
Bragelonne in collaboration with Auguste Maquet. It first
appeared as a serial novel, published in the Parisian newspaper
Le Siècle from October 20, 1847, to January 12, 1850; the
writing and printing of its installments was temporarily
interrupted as a result of pressures generated by the many other
works Dumas was composing at the same time, as well as by the
Revolution of 1848 and by Dumas’s efforts to win election to the
French parliament.2 Almost
simultaneously with its serial publication, the novel was published
in book form (from 1848 to 1850) by Michel Levy Frères. The
inclusion of the Man in the Iron Mask story in Bragelonne
was not, however, the first reference to the tale in Dumas’s
writings. Dumas had already inserted a discussion—written by
Arnould—of the Mask legend in his essay collection Les Crimes
célèbres (Celebrated Crimes) published in 1839 and 1840. In
Une Année à Florence (A Year in Florence), a volume of
travel writings he published in 1841, and again in his Louis XIV
et son siècle (Louis XIV and His Century) in 1844 and 1845,
Dumas reprised much of that same text. In all three of these
earlier works, though, what we have is not an account of the Mask’s
life, but an attempt to sort out which of the various hypotheses
about his identity was the most plausible.
It is not at all surprising that Dumas, like
Vigny, Hugo, and other writers of their day, would be drawn to the
story of a masked prisoner held in isolation and accorded special
consideration and respect by his jailors. As Victor H. Brombert
demonstrated in his study The Romantic Prison: The French
Tradition, the prison occupied a significant place in the
Romantic imagination. On the one hand, it offered Romantic writers
the opportunity to exploit some of the dark atmospherics and
melodramatic villainy traditionally associated with the Gothic
novels of Ann Radcliffe and others. On the other hand, it also
provided them with a space in which to explore the inner being and
the superior nature of an exceptional individual. Dumas’s early
novels, from Le Chevalier d‘Harmental to Georges, already
included prison episodes. So did The Three Musketeers and Twenty
Years After. But Dumas’s most famous fictional prisoner prior
to The Man in the Iron Mask was, of course, Edmond Dantès,
better known as the count of Monte Cristo—a name Dantès adopted
after his escape from the Château d’If. There are some superficial
similarities between Dantès and the Mask. Both men are held in
solitary confinement. Both are eventually visited in prison by
priests and are finally able to leave their cells as a result of
that encounter, although the circumstances of their flight are
totally different. Far more important than these rather facile
parallels is the fact that both men are innocent victims of
arbitrary decisions designed to protect another individual’s
political and personal future. Those decisions lead not only to the
prisoners’ unjust incarceration, but also to the erasure of their
identity (Dantès’s name is replaced by a number so as to prevent
others from locating him, and the Mask—whom we eventually learn is
Louis XIV’s twin brother, Philippe—is given the name Marchiali and
is later [in chapter 52] forced to wear an iron mask) .3 Beyond
that, however, the stories Dumas tells about Dantès and the Mask
are more different than they are alike. Dantès uses the wealth he
acquires after his escape from prison to undertake an elaborate
scheme of revenge against those who wronged him. Philippe is
returned to prison after a very brief period of contact with those
who are responsible for his fate and is subject to even greater
isolation.
The story of the fictitious masked prisoner might
have been little more than another of the many interpolated
episodes found in Dumas’s Musketeers trilogy (for example,
Milady’s sequestration in and escape from her brother-in-law’s
castle in England) were it not so clearly an illustration of the
political and historical struggles that are central to
Bragelonne.4
Indeed, in this final volume of the trilogy generally, and in
The Man in the Iron Mask in particular, the focus is not
only on the eponymous Viscount Bragelonne, son of the Comte de la
Fère (known in his Musketeer days as Athos), but also on the rise
to power of King Louis XIV5 Long
subject to the tutelage of his mother, Anne of Austria (widow of
Louis XIII of France), and of his prime minister, Cardinal Mazarin
(successor to Cardinal Richelieu), young Louis has also had to
overcome the efforts of a faction of rebellious French aristocrats
known as La Fronde who wished to place his uncle Gaston d’Orléans
on the throne. In his minority, then, the young king not only
lacked control over his political destiny but also was subject to
personal humiliation. He likewise had little influence over royal
finances that were managed principally by Nicolas Fouquet, the
surintendant (superintendent) of finances, who was named to
that post with the support of Mazarin.
Like many others in that era who either purchased
their positions at court or were appointed as a result of
patronage, the Surintendant ostensibly served at the pleasure of
the King.6 But in
fact, because he is responsible for filling the state’s coffers and
for funding the personal and political expenses of the Crown, the
Surintendant wielded a great deal of power over the King’s affairs.
Indeed, as keeper of the King’s purse, the Surintendant will play a
key role in determining whether or not Louis can go to war with his
enemies, support his allies, assert his personal authority, and
bring the nobility to heel. Fouquet’s power and wealth, and the
shadow they cast over the King’s authority, are most concretely
represented here by the magnificent castle and elaborate gardens
the Surintendant has had constructed at Vaux-le-Vicomte (located to
the south and east of Paris).7That
estate far outshines any of the King’s royal properties. (Louis
would later order Versailles, not yet the elaborate palace familiar
to thousands of visitors today, to be developed and decorated by
some of the very same men Fouquet employed at Vaux.) Louis counts
this ostentatious display of affluence and artistic patronage by a
subject as yet another insult to his majesty, as Dumas clearly
shows via repeated expressions of the King’s ire before, during,
and after his brief stay at Vaux. It is, moreover, at Vaux that the
entirely fictional attempt to replace Louis with his long-hidden,
unknown twin takes place. Though unaware of that plot—indeed, he
ultimately helps to foil it—Fouquet is nonetheless implicated in
the undertaking because it transpires under his roof.8 The
King—seconded by Jean-Baptiste Colbert, a man who is determined to
undermine and then replace Fouquet—will spend much of the rest of
the novel seeking to punish the Surintendant for this and other
acts of lèse-majesté (offense against the dignity of the
sovereign of a state), including the fortification of the island of
Belle-Isle-en-Mer off the Atlantic coast of France.9
There is much in this story that is historically
true. The King did visit Vaux and was angered by and resentful of
the overt display of his subject’s wealth. Louis did act to remove
Fouquet from office and to punish him for his fiscal mismanagement.
Colbert did indeed succeed Fouquet and reorganize state finances.
He also helped to develop the royal navy, establish a French
textile-manufacturing industry, and create national
tapestry-weaving workshops, among other things. Fouquet had
purchased Belle-Isle and fortified it against the day when he might
incur the King’s wrath and need a place of refuge. He also
supported a group of artists and freethinkers—called the Epicureans
in this novel—that included fabulist Jean de La Fontaine and the
comic playwright Molière, whose Les Fâcheux (The
Impertinents) was first performed for the reception of the King at
Vaux. But as is true in all good historical fictions, these and
other facts are at times modified or rearranged in Dumas’s text and
are regularly interspersed with invented episodes and characters
that gain their credibility from the context the real historical
events and individuals provide. And it is in those fictional
interstices that we once again encounter the formerly inseparable
and unfailingly intrepid companions known to us as the Three
(though in fact they were four) Musketeers.
Readers of The Three Musketeers will
recall that at the end of that book d‘Artagnan, Athos, Porthos, and
Aramis all went their separate ways. Athos, whose real name is the
Comte de la Fère, had decided to retire to his estate in the Loire
region. Porthos was finally going to marry his benefactress and
become a provincial landowner, while Aramis, true to his
long-stated intentions, was at last going to take his religious
vows and become the Abbé d’Herblay. D‘Artagnan alone, having
finally been promoted to the rank of lieutenant in the King’s
Musketeers, remained in service. Although once again re-united in
Twenty Years After, by the time we find them in The Man
in the Iron Mask, the four men have grown into late middle age
and are no longer as closely allied as they once were.10 Athos
is the father of Raoul de Bragelonne, whom he has raised with deep,
if characteristically undemonstrative, affection and an unwavering
sense of moral rectitude.11Porthos,
now widowed, has grown wealthy and has acquired considerable
property but is still socially ambitious and is still endowed with
a huge appetite and enormous strength. Good-hearted Porthos remains
as naive as he is heroic or comical. Aramis has not only been
promoted to the rank of bishop of Vannes, a city on the coast of
western France, but has also become the general of the Jesuits,
albeit by somewhat less than legitimate means.12
That post gives him considerable clandestine power over a wide
circle of religious and secular officials and individuals in all
ranks of society and will play a crucial role in Aramis’s efforts
to put Philippe on the throne of France. D’Artagnan is now the
captain of the King’s Musketeers. Still quick-witted and a master
swordsman, he is now more prone to reflection than he was in his
youth and is, at times, an unhesitating critic of actions he deems
ill-advised or misguided. As true to his own ideals as he is to the
King’s service, d‘Artagnan will occasionally find it necessary to
disagree with Louis and will even resign his post when he feels he
has been wronged. Although they are not often together, d’Artagnan
remains closest to Athos, who shares his sense of (now seemingly
old-fashioned) loyalty and honor. Athos will also remonstrate with
the King and risk his displeasure when he believes Louis has acted
disgracefully. Indeed, the sword that the stalwart nobleman breaks
over his knee in the King’s presence unambiguously announces his
renunciation of fealty and will lead Louis to order his arrest
(chapters 19-26).13
As the story takes shape, with Mazarin now dead,
Louis is determined to take personal control of his realm and his
government. Although outwardly respectful of both his mother (the
dowager queen mother) and his wife, Marie-Thérèse of Austria, the
King loves neither woman and often seeks pleasure and affection in
the arms of one of his many mistresses.14 Neither
does he have warm feelings for his younger brother, the duc
d‘Orléans (most often designated by the honorific title Monsieur),
whose frivolous and expensive lifestyle and doting coterie of male
companions offends the King. Louis is, however, very much enamored
of Monsieur’s beautiful and charming wife, Henriette d’Angleterre,
called Madame, whom he takes for a time as his mistress.15 The
frustrations and disappointments endured during his youth as well
as a determination to wrest power from his ministers and to
suppress aristocratic insubordination make Louis appear tyrannical,
petulant, and egotistical on more than one occasion. Young,
handsome, and endowed with a clear vision of who he is and what he
represents,16 the
King has not yet fully mastered the art of governance or acquired
the wisdom that comes with time. Dumas thus shows us here what
Louis wants to be and how he grows into the powerful, absolutist
monarch he will later become. At the same time, Dumas introduces
the story of Philippe, Louis XIV’s (historically unattested)
identical twin, who is born some eight hours after his brother and
who becomes the innocent victim of what their father, Louis XIII,
judged to be an imperative raison d’état (an act justified
by and/or undertaken to protect the interests of the state).
Closely intertwined with the reception of the
King at Vaux and the issue of political rivalry and authority
raised by that visit, the character of Philippe adds the question
of legitimacy to the fictional-historical mix. Although we learn
that Louis is the first-born twin, it appears that some
seventeenth-century doctors believed it was the latter-born infant
who was the first to have been conceived—a concept somewhat
curiously akin to today’s human resources slogan “first in, last
out” or “first hired, last fired.” The resulting uncertainty about
which child could legitimately claim the right of primogeniture,
and thus the throne, has the potential to spark not only a
particularly nasty contest between the siblings, but possibly also
civil war.17 It was
just such an eventuality that Louis XIII hoped to avoid when he
sent the second-born twin away to be raised by a wet nurse and a
tutor in the quiet obscurity of the provinces and in total
ignorance of his parentage and of the court. Nonetheless, with an
inevitability typical of “fate” and of narrative plots, Philippe
does, in time, glean some vague bits of information about his
origins. It is the fear that he might learn more about his identity
that leads to his initial imprisonment as a solitary, renamed
inmate of the Bastille.
Twins, doubles, and doppelgängers were a frequent
Romantic motif. Indeed, whether used to examine individual,
familial, or collective breakdowns or schisms, or to explore
social, sexual, or national politics—or some combination of
these—the trope of duality and division, of identity in crisis,
resonated in a particularly meaningful way with French writers in
the first half of the nineteenth century. Dumas himself featured
twin brothers Gaultier and Philippe d’Aulnay in his 1832 play La
Tour de Nesle. Alfred de Musset’s most celebrated drama,
Lorenzaccio (1834), provides another example of a treatment
of the topic of duality or division, and George Sand’s novels
Indiana (1832) and La Petite Fadette (1849) and
Théophile Gautier’s Mademoiselle de Maupin (1835) offer
still others.18 Dumas’s
use of the theme in The Man in the Iron Mask is, as we have
seen, imbued with political meaning. It calls into question not
only the legitimacy of an individual ruler, Louis XIV, but also of
absolutist monarchy, and it points to a “crime”—the sequestration
of Philippe and the suppression of his claim to the throne—as the
point of origin for that King’s reign and that form of
government.
The character of Philippe also raises the subject
of parenthood, and it is that topic which, at least in part, ties
the sacrificed Prince’s story to that of the larger novel’s titular
character, Viscount Raoul de Bragelonne.19 Who
decides what is best for a child? What happens when a child is
unwillingly separated from its parents and/or does not know who
they are? These and other, similar questions come up frequently in
Dumas’s work, as can be seen in Antony, Richard Darlington, La
Tour de Nesle, and Kean—early plays whose protagonists
were illegitimate or abandoned as children. Like Philippe, Viscount
Bragelonne is raised in the provinces, away from court. Brought up
by Athos, who is his father and the comte de la Fère, Raoul is
unaware of his mother’s identity, as is Philippe. And like
Philippe‘s, the young Viscount’s life takes a major turn when he
reaches adulthood. Sadly, both men’s lives will end in tragedy, and
both can be seen as victims of Louis XIV Philippe, as we know, will
spend most of his life alone and abandoned, in prison. He will be
confined even more cruelly after the abbé d’Herblay (Aramis) fails
in his attempt to put him on Louis’s throne. Raoul, who believes
Louis XIV has stolen the affections of Louise de La Vallière, the
fiancée he loves with an abiding passion, will go eventually off to
war in North Africa, where he will die heroically in what is a
thinly disguised act of suicidal despair. Athos, whose emotional
ties to his son are so profound that they transcend time and space,
will have a premonitory vision of his son’s demise even before it
is reported to him. He will die of grief once his unhappily
prophetic dream is confirmed .20 The two
men will be buried together outside a small chapel on Athos’s
estate. The entire episode—from Raoul’s decision to leave for
Africa to the interment of father and son—is intensely moving and
rings psychologically true. What is more, this illustration of the
sympathetic bonds uniting parent and child offers a stark contrast
to the absence of feeling that marks the Queen Mother’s response to
the second “disappearance” of her son Philippe.
Indeed, the women in this novel are, with few
exceptions, most often presented in an unflattering light. Like
Anne of Austria, the Duchesse de Chevreuse has abandoned a
child—Raoul de Bragelonne—and seems to have set political intrigue
and self-interest above more traditionally female pursuits and
values. Both women’s bodies have been marked by signs of the
physical (and moral) corruption that seemingly results from their
desire for power.21 The
Queen Mother suffers the acute pains of breast cancer, a disease
whose symbolic significance is as undeniable as is its historical
veracity (see chapter 4, where we learn that her pains first struck
on the King’s birthday). The once-alluring Duchesse has become an
unattractive crone. The Queen, Marie-Thérèse, wed to Louis only a
year earlier, is largely neglected by her husband and ought to be
deserving of our pity, but does not generally inspire great
sympathy. She is overshadowed by Louis’s various mistresses,
including her sister-in-law Henriette, a vivacious coquette who
would eagerly rob the Queen of both the King’s affections and the
primacy of her position at court. Dumas shows Louise de La Vallière
to be a more amiable and more sincere person than any of these
women. Orphaned, afflicted with a slight limp, and lacking both
wealth and pretension, she is truly in love with the King and seeks
no personal advancement or gain from their relationship. 22 Louise
is, at first, subject to the scorn and ridicule of those at court
who discover the secret of her liaison with Louis. Later, her fall
from the King’s graces will be clearly signaled in the novel. Dumas
makes it seem as though this trajectory is not only a necessary
concession to history and the result of Louis’s constantly shifting
affections, but also a form of punishment for Louise’s “infidelity”
to Raoul.23
Women are not, however, the only characters in
this novel who are depicted in an unfavorable manner. Dumas also
shows contempt for male characters who fail to measure up to the
example set by the Musketeers of the generation of Athos and
d’Artagnan—men who lived by a code of loyalty, bravery, and honor
(see chapter 11). Scenes and comments scattered throughout The
Man in the Iron Mask make it clear that Dumas considers those
valiant men of an earlier age the worthy descendants of the mythic
heroes celebrated by Homer but views their successors as venial,
self-interested, and/or cowardly courtiers. (He may well have been
thinking about the politicians and government functionaries of his
own day in so doing.)
The superiority of those who served the crown in
the days of Louis XIII and Richelieu is clear even in the case of
Porthos, whose character here, as it was in The Three
Musketeers, is composed of equal parts of courage and principle
on the one hand and vanity and ambition on the other. Dumas loves
this giant of a man, who out of friendship for the Abbé d’Herblay
(Aramis) is misled into believing that he is doing a noble deed and
instead finds that he has conspired to replace Louis with Philippe.
He is a loyal and valiant sacrificial victim, and Dumas gives him a
titan’s burial when the grotto in which he and Aramis have taken
temporary refuge on Belle-Isle falls down on him while Aramis makes
good his escape from the King’s forces (see chapters 76-79). In
fact, Dumas told his son that he was so upset after composing the
pages where he describes the death of Porthos that he could not
resume writing for days. Yet Dumas continues to poke gentle fun at
Porthos in this novel as he did in The Three Musketeers. He
once again highlights Porthos’s unflagging appetite for food and
love of clothes and makes much of his preoccupation with titles—now
called M. le Baron du Vallon de Pierrefonds, he hopes to be named a
duke.
Indeed, whereas in The Three Musketeers
Porthos at times lacked a single, presentable suit of clothes, he
now has acquired a vast wardrobe whose sole purpose is to guarantee
that he will always be in fashion and will be prepared for any
occasion. It is amusingly ironic, then, that when he is invited to
Vaux, Porthos complains he has nothing to wear. He explains this
paradoxical situation to d‘Artagnan by disclosing a longstanding
objection to be measured by a tailor. Rather than subject himself
to being touched by a social inferior—something he considers
demeaning for an aristocratic gentleman like himself—Porthos has,
over the years, sent his valet, Mouston (called Mousqueton in
The Three Musketeers), to be fitted in his place. At first,
this meant encouraging Mouston to eat more food so that he would
match his master’s girth. Now, however, the valet has grown more
rotund than his master, and the already-made suits are too large
for Porthos to wear. In an effort to resolve the problem and
assuage Porthos’s ego, d’Artagnan takes his friend to see the
King’s own tailor, a man who will prove to be too busy to address
Porthos’s sartorial needs. As it happens, though, the comic
playwright Molière is also present at the tailor‘s, and he agrees,
with a wink to d’Artagnan, to attend to the problem. Dumas makes it
clear from the description of the subsequent scene that we are to
consider this event the (clearly apocryphal) inspiration for what
would become Moliere’s 1670 comedy Le Bourgeois gentilhomme (The
Would-Be Gentleman) .
The occasion also has a darker side, however, for
it is during his visit to the tailor that d‘Artagnan unexpectedly
encounters Aramis, who—rather surprisingly in d’Artagnan’s
opinion—has been chosen by Fouquet to oversee the final details
concerning the reception of the King at Vaux. Aramis has come in
search of information about the clothes Louis will be wearing
during the festivities there; he has brought with him the
celebrated painter Charles Le Brun, who, Aramis claims, needs a
sample of the cloth from which the King’s clothes are to be made so
that the portrait of Louis commissioned by Fouquet will be an exact
copy of the royal guest’s appearance at the time of his stay at
Vaux. D‘Artagnan is immediately suspicious of this explanation, but
to his great frustration, he cannot yet imagine the real purpose
behind Aramis’s strange request. The two men spar verbally with
each other, each hoping to outwit the other and penetrate his
opponent’s secrets. It will be only much later—too late—that
d’Artagnan will finally understand the hidden purpose behind this
outwardly flattering and seemingly benign
reproduction/reflection—this doubling—of Louis’s person. The
captain of the Musketeers will show greater perspicacity when he
later sees Philippe in Louis’s clothes in Louis’s bedroom at Vaux
and recognizes that the man is not his king.
Indeed, much of this novel is concerned with
secrets, deceptions, evasions, negotiations, and
misrepresentations. Such things are, of course, the building blocks
of narrative incident and are manna to authors of serial literature
who seek to prolong the development of their stories. Aramis, the
most enigmatic and sinister of the former Musketeers who reappear
in The Man in The Iron Mask, is at the heart of many of the
double-dealings in this book. He knows that knowledge, like
royalty, is power, and power is what he seeks. Many of the secrets
he and others reveal or conceal to suit their purposes are of a
compromising or dangerous nature. They concern such things as the
birth of the twin princes (a state secret) and the existence of
hidden doors and passageways that allow lovers to meet or crimes to
take place. Aramis has, for example, built a secret opening into
the floor of his room at Vaux. Masked by the design of the ceiling
fresco in the King’s bedchamber below, this hidden aperture allows
him and Philippe to observe the royal bedtime ceremonials (le
coucher du roi) and the members of Louis’s family and inner
circle of courtiers without being seen (chapters 41, 42, 45, and
48). As a result, Philippe will be perfectly prepared to replace
his brother in the morning after another secret passage allows for
the substitution of one twin by the other and the removal of the
King to the Bastille in a closed carriage.24
Earlier, Aramis made several clandestine visits
to the Bastille. On one such occasion (chapter 24)—he was preparing
to liberate Philippe with the uncomprehending assistance of
Baisemeaux, the governor of the prison—he met Athos and d‘Artagnan
there. They do not want Aramis to know that Louis has just ordered
d’Artagnan to arrest Athos, nor does he want them to guess his
business there. This is just one of several events that underscore
the fact that Aramis’s interests are no longer closely aligned with
those of his old friends and that new tensions and suspicions have
crept into their once close-knit relationship. D‘Artagnan will,
however, eventually discover what Aramis was doing at the Bastille.
Although disapproving both of the plot and of the cruel misuse of
Porthos’s naivete, because of their past friendship, the Musketeer
will later try to provide Aramis and Porthos with an opportunity to
evade arrest by the King’s forces that he has been obliged to lead
to Belle-Isle. That effort will fail. He will, therefore, be more
than a little surprised when, toward the end of the novel, he finds
Aramis, now the duc d’Alameda and the Spanish ambassador to France,
received with great ceremony and honor at Louis’s palace. The
reader, too, may find this latest (re) incarnation of Aramis
surprising and wonder why, of all the Musketeers, he alone survives
at the end of the novel.25
Aramis’s continued existence is, perhaps, a sign of the power he
has acquired through his knowledge of the secrets of others and his
role as general of the Jesuits. It may also be the clearest signal
Dumas could contrive to mark the end of an age and a system of
values—of that code of honor, loyalty, service, and courage
espoused here by Athos, Porthos, d‘Artagnan (and Bragelonne). The
battlefield death of d’Artagnan, which occurs at the precise moment
he receives his long-postponed promotion to the rank of maréchal
de France, might then be seen as the mirror opposite of
Aramis’s resurrection—a passing of the bâton that marks the
true start of Louis’s personal reign.26
Though not as joyful or as action-packed as The
Three Musketeers, The Man in the Iron Mask is just as
full of intrigue and high emotion as that earlier work was. Now,
however, the tone is darker not only because our heroes have aged,
but also because the personal and political circumstances
surrounding their lives have grown more complex. D‘Artagnan’s
furious pursuit of Fouquet across the countryside near Nantes—the
Surintendant is hoping to avoid arrest—is so intense that the men’s
superb horses die of exhaustion and they themselves can barely
stand. Indeed, d’Artagnan is ultimately reduced to racing after his
man on foot, stripping off his own clothes along the way. When
d‘Artagnan faints after making his arrest, Fouquet, in a clear
display of honor and generosity, refuses to run away. The two men
express a deep respect for one another and together walk back to
the spot where d’Artagnan had left the barred carriage that will
transport Fouquet to prison (chapter 68) . This is not an example
of the impetuous adventure or easy courage of reckless youth; it is
a moving demonstration of mature heroism, integrity, and an almost
fatalistic acquiescence to duty and authority. It is not entirely
surprising that such elements of the novel are often sacrificed in
modern cinematic refashionings of The Man in the Iron Mask.
A complex tapestry of fact and fiction and of the
personal and the political, The Man in the Iron Mask serves
as a moving and psychologically nuanced conclusion to the Musketeer
trilogy. It does not matter to readers of this book that Dumas at
times rearranges, invents, or falsifies historical fact. He makes
us believe in his characters and the events that mark their lives.
By some mysterious process of artistic alchemy and creativity,
Dumas’s imagined history is transformed into History. We accept it
as truth even when we know better. The agonies of love and death,
the obligations of duty and honor, the trials and the triumphs of
human existence all find a place in these pages and seem familiar
to us despite the potentially distancing effects of the book’s
seventeenth-century French setting and the slightly old-fashioned
language of this translation. It is no wonder that it is Dumas’s
version of the legend of the man in the iron mask that has survived
and will continue to survive longer than any other.
Barbara T. Cooper is Professor of French
at the University of New Hampshire. She is a member of the
editorial boards of Nineteenth-Century French Studies and Les
Cahiers Alexandre Dumas. She specializes in nineteenth-century
French drama and in works by Dumas. Cooper was the editor of a
volume on French dramatists from 1789 to 1914 that is part of the
Dictionary of Literary Biography series and wrote the essay
on Dumas in that volume. She has also coedited two volumes of
essays on nineteenth-century French literature and culture, and is
the author of more than fifty scholarly articles on works of
nineteenth-century French literature, many of which focus on texts
by Dumas. In 2002 she participated in several colloquia marking the
bicentennial of Dumas’s birth. Cooper, who holds her Ph.D. from the
University of Wisconsin-Madison, was named a Chevalier dans l’Ordre
des Palmes Académiques by the French government in 1994 for her
contributions to the promotion and propagation of French culture.
She wrote the Introduction and Notes for the Barnes & Noble
Classics edition of Dumas’s The Three Musketeers.
This essay is dedicated to Wallace—encore et
toujours—and to Ken, Joe, and Mark.
NOTES
1 The
initial chapter here is chapter 179 (of 266, plus an unnumbered
epilogue and a chapter on the death of d‘Artagnan) in
Bragelonne. See the article by Bassan on the dramatization
of the Musketeer cycle in the “For Further Reading” section.
Also see Jean-Christian Petitfils’s book Le Masque de fer: Entre
histoire et légende for the most recent historical study of the
real man in the iron mask. Although Dumas was no doubt familiar
with most of the texts cited in this paragraph, his novel was based
on seventeenth- and eighteenth-century sources, including, among
others, the memoirs of Madame de Lafayette and Madame de
Motteville, and those of the Cardinal de Retz and the Duc de
Richelieu. He also relied on histories of the Age of Louis XIV
written by Anquetil, Tallement des Réaux, and Michaud, among
others, dating from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
2 Claude
Schopp has collected Dumas’s political writings from this period in
the volume “1848: Alexandre Dumas dans la Révolution,” Les
Cahiers Alexandre Dumas 25 ( 1998) .
3 It is
not merely by chance that Dumas assigned the name Philippe to Louis
XIV’s fictional twin. That was in fact the name of Louis XIV’s
real-life younger brother (not a twin), Philippe, duc d’Orléans.
But it is also interesting to note that the names Louis and
Philippe together form Louis-Philippe and that Louis-Philippe
d‘Orléans was king of the French at the time Dumas began his novel.
He would be deposed by the Revolution of 1848. See my article on
the role of names in The Count of Monte Cristo, cited in the
“For Further Reading” section.
4 See
Youjun Peng, La Nation chez Alexandre Dumas, for a more
detailed discussion of the place of these subjects in Dumas’s
novels generally. Also see Jeanne Bern, “d’Artagnan et après.
Lecture symbolique et historique de la ‘trilogie’ de Dumas,”
Littérature 22 (May 1976), pp. 13-29, and Jean Thibeaudeau,
“Les Trois mousquetaires suivi de Vingt ans après et
du Vicomte de Bragelonne, ou dix ans plus tard, ou une
disparition de la fiction dans le texte historique,” Europe
48:490-491 (February-March 1970), pp. 59-75. One could argue that
Milady’s misadventure also had underlying political
significance.
5 In 1966
Roberto Rossellini directed a film entitled La Prise de pouvoir
par Louis XIV ( The Rise to Power of Louis XIV) that recounts
parts of this challenging period in the young King’s life.
Twenty Years After and Bragelonne also deal with
issues of political power and legitimacy in England in some
chapters.
6 Prior
to his appointment as surintendant, Fouquet had already purchased
the title of procureur général, a parliamentary position
that gave him immunity from legal prosecution. As we shall see,
Fouquet is at one point convinced to sell that post in order to
raise much-needed cash and is thereafter vulnerable to arrest.
Sentenced to banishment and the forfeit of his possessions, Fouquet
has his punishment commuted by the King to lifetime imprisonment.
He will die in the prison of Pignerol.
7 Michael
Brix has written a wonderfully illustrated volume about Vaux
entitled The Baroque Landscape: Andre Le Nôtre &
Vaux-le-Vicomte. Roland ]offé’s 2000 film Vatel depicts
Fouquet’s reception of the King at Vaux and was photographed, in
part, on location. There is also an Internet site that can be
consulted for information on the castle and its gardens; see the
“For Further Reading” section at the end of this volume. The castle
is presently owned by Count Patrice de Vogue who, together with his
family, has devoted himself to restoring it to its former splendor.
He owns a letter signed by the real-life d’Artagnan, Charles de
Baatz d‘Artagnan (1623-1673), referring to Fouquet’s arrest and
imprisonment.
8 The
unwritten laws of hospitality at the time made the person of a
guest—royal or not—sacred. It was the host’s duty to preserve and
protect a guest from any harm while under his roof. Louis is,
moreover, deeply humiliated by the fact that Fouquet has seen the
sorry physical and mental state into which he descended during the
brief period of his incarceration in the Bastille. This gives him
even more reason to hate the Surintendant.
9 The
Belle-Isle to Nantes axis is the site of another important
confrontation between Louis and Fouquet (chapters 63-68) and can be
seen as something of a “bookend” episode to the events at Vaux and
Paris with which this text begins.
10 See
Marie-Christine Natta’s Le Temps des mousquetaires. Natta
argues that it is because Dumas allows his characters to age over
the course of the novels in his trilogy that they continue to
appeal to readers today.
11
Raoul will, however later recall that his father lovingly watched
over him during his nighttime slumbers. Bragelonne’s mother is the
Duchesse de Chevreuse, former lady-in-waiting to Queen Anne of
Austria and former lover of Aramis. When banished from court by
Louis XIII in The Three Musketeers, she used the name Marie
Michon in her communications with Aramis. In Twenty Years
After, she sleeps with Athos, whom she mistakenly takes for a
priest, and Raoul is the product of their one-night affair. After
the Duchesse has abandoned the child to a priest’s care, Athos
finds and raises the boy on his own. All four of the Musketeers at
some point display paternal affection for the young man.
12 In
seventeenth-century France, appointment to high religious office
did not require an individual to have demonstrated either great
piety or long and devoted service to the Church. Aramis’s rank as
bishop, then, is plausible even if entirely fictitious. He is made
general of the Jesuits in chapters just prior to those in this
volume. He managed to persuade his dying predecessor (whom he may
have poisoned) that he was the best man for the job because he knew
the identity of a legitimate pretender to the French throne and
could use that information to increase the power of the Jesuit
order.
13
Fouquet, too, displays a profound sense of loyalty, friendship, and
honor—though he is not above enriching himself at the King’s
expense—and while history requires him to be a loser in his contest
with Louis XIV and Colbert, d’Artagnan eventually comes to respect
and admire him. Likewise, although Dumas is obliged to point to the
splendors of the age of Louis XIV, his feelings about absolutist
monarchy seem less than sanguine.
14
Royal and aristocratic marriages in this era were, of course,
arranged. Love between the spouses, who often met for the first
time just prior to their wedding, was neither expected nor
required. Despite her name, Marie-Therese of Austria, like her
mother-in-law, Anne of Austria, was a Spanish Hapsburg
princess.
15 The
marriage between the duc d‘Orléans and Henriette was likewise
arranged. Henriette is also a cousin, descended, like Louis and
Philippe, from the French king Henri IV on her mother’s side; she
spent part of her youth at the French court before returning to
England after the restoration of her brother, Charles II
(1630-1685), to the throne. Upon her death in 1670, she was
eulogized by Jacques Bossuet in his famous Oraison funèbre de
Henriette-Anne d’Angleterre (Funeral Oration for Henriette-Anne of
England ).
16 His
most famous expression of that vision can be found in the statement
“L‘état, c’est moi” (I am the state).
17 See
pages 399-400 and chapter 49 generally for a discussion of the idea
that twins are one person in two bodies. While not exactly the same
principle as the one articulated in Ernst H. Kantorowicz’s The
King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theology (an
examination of the theory of a physical and a spiritual incarnation
of kingship), Dumas’s representation of twin sons contesting and of
contested rights to the throne intersects with that theory in
potentially interesting ways. This seems especially true given
Philippe’s nobility of character and generally stoic acceptance of
his fate versus Louis’s apparently self-centered concern with
earthly power and privilege and his irate response to his
incarceration.
18 The
use of twins and doubles in literature was by no means limited to
the Romantic era. One need only think of the story of the
sixteenth-century impostor Martin Guerre or of the twin princes in
Pierre Corneille’s seventeenth-century tragedy Rodogune (1644). The
treatment of the double in those works, as in some of Shakespeare’s
plays, is, however, quite different from that found in Romantic
literature. The earlier works do not deal with the psychological
split of the self or the nation; instead, they involve
impersonation or amorous rivalries.
19 See
the article by Pierre Tranouez and the book by Simone Domange for
other perspectives on parent-child relationships in the
trilogy.
20
Athos, fearing just such an outcome, sent his valet Grimaud with
Raoul to watch over him. Grimaud himself soon dies from grief over
the deaths of Raoul and Athos and is buried near the two men. See
chapters 60 and 61 and 84-88. Porthos’s valet, Mouston, likewise
dies shortly after learning of his master’s death (chapter
83).
21
Again, Dumas was not the only author of this period to exploit the
theme of the bad mother or to condemn women ambitious for power.
See, for example, the article by Odile Krakovitch, “Les Femmes de
pouvoir dans le theatre romantique,” in Femmes de pouvoir:
Mythes et fantasmes, pp. 97-118.
22
Dumas gives La Vallière an antithetical double, Mademoiselle de
Montalais, who is ambitious and scheming. In typical
nineteenth-century fashion, one woman is blond and the other a
brunette.
23
Louise displays the classic symptoms of involuntary “love at first
sight.” Although she and Raoul were childhood friends and he
(Raoul) had come to consider her his fiancée, once she has seen
Louis, Louise discovers that she has never loved Raoul the way she
loves the King. She tries to explain herself to Raoul in chapter 22
but cannot find the words to express her feelings.
24
Another trapdoor and portrait—this time depicting Louise—reveals to
Bragelonne the liaison between the young woman and the King and the
intensity of her passion for Louis (see chapters 14 and 15, among
others).
25
Honoré de Balzac offers a similar surprise in his novel
Illusions Perdues (Lost Illusions, published
1836-1843) when he has the master criminal Vautrin, a.k.a. Jacques
Colin and Trompe-la-Mort (Cheat-Death), return to France in the
guise of a Spanish churchman named Abbé Carlos Herrera and save
Lucien de Rubempré from suicide. There are other examples of this
in works by Dumas, as well.
26 As
Claude Schopp, in his edition of Bragelonne, shows by means
of correspondence from the period, Dumas did not originally intend
to kill off d’Artagnan. The editor of Le Siècle insisted,
however, that readers would expect such a conclusion, and the final
installment was added at his request.